The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, alongside the proposed uniform civil code (UCC), underscores the Narendra Modi government’s broader plan to reshape the sociopolitical landscape, particularly that of the country’s Muslim community.

While the UCC has been a long-standing agenda of the Hindu Right, along with the Ram temple in Ayodhya and the abolition of Article 370, the Waqf (Amendment) Bill represents a more recent and potentially far-reaching intervention. Together, these legislative moves appear to be part of a concerted effort to realign the rights and identities of minority communities in accordance with a majoritarian vision.

History of waqf

The term waqf means “detention”, symbolising the inalienable nature of properties committed to charitable causes, a tradition that has endured for centuries and across continents. There was no concept of waqf before the advent of Islam in Arabia. Several companions of Prophet Muhammad dedicated lands and properties to charity, leading to the saying attributed to him: “Tie up the substance and give away the fruits” (habbis al-asl wa Sabbil al-tamarrat).

The earliest reference to waqf is linked to Umar, the second Caliph, at a place called Khaibar, with subsequent dedications of property ranging from palm gardens to fields and even camels. In India, a wide array of properties falls under waqf; they include mosques, idgahs, dargahs, khanqahs, imambaras, maqbaras, ashoorkhanas, qabristans (graveyards), and anjumans.

Following the First War of Independence in 1857, in which Muslims played a dominant role, the British colonial authorities sought to contain the community’s influence. Towards this end, they enacted the Land Resumption Act, which taxed waqf lands heavily, thus severely impacting Muslim welfare.

Also Read | Who really benefits from the Waqf Amendment Bill?

As Asaf A.A. Fyzee notes in his seminal work, Outlines of Muhammadan Law, there has been a consistent trend towards increased state control over waqf properties, both in Muslim-majority countries and in India. For instance, in 1924, the Turkish Republic dissolved the Ministry of Waqfs and placed its administration under general oversight. Similarly, Muhammad Ali in Egypt confiscated all agricultural waqfs and placed them under parliamentary control. In Russia’s Muslim districts, waqf properties endured for centuries until the October Revolution, after which the state seized them. In India, there have been various waqf-related pieces of legislation, beginning with the Waqf Act of 1913, where waqf was defined as a “permanent dedication by a person professing the Mussulman faith of any property for religious, pious, or charitable purposes recognised by Muslim law”.

Bill in contention

The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, aims to amend the Waqf Act of 1995, which was last revised in 2013. The amendment proposes to rename it the Unified Waqf Management Empowerment Efficiency and Development Act, 1995. One key aspect of the 2013 amendment was the prohibition of the sale, gift, exchange, mortgage, or transfer of waqf property under Section 104A, with violators facing rigorous imprisonment.

The Modi government’s tendency to revisit and rework past legislation is well established, and the Waqf Act is no exception. Historically, waqf properties were not a major concern for the Hindu Right. However, interest surged following the Sachar Committee Report of 2006, which highlighted the under-utilisation of waqf properties and recommended reforms to enhance the role of such properties in uplifting the Muslim community. Many leaders of the Hindu Right were vocally critical of the Sachar report and labelled it an act of appeasement politics.

One of the more controversial proposals of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill is the inclusion of non-Muslim members in the management of waqf properties. This has sparked widespread concerns. During a parliamentary debate, at least 44 amendments were suggested by various political parties, and leaders from the INDIA bloc unanimously recommended that the Bill be referred to a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). The Modi government, now a coalition, had no option but to do so. The JPC has 31 members: 21 from the Lok Sabha and 10 from the Rajya Sabha. It is chaired by Jagdambika Pal, a BJP MP.

The JPC reportedly received millions of emails from concerned Muslims opposing the Bill. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board has said that more than five crore emails were sent to the JPC by concerned citizens.

Also Read | Editor’s Note: Putting Muslims in their place?

Some BJP members, such as Nishikant Dubey, even claimed that China and Pakistan were behind the mail campaign, while some Hindu Right politicians derogatorily referred to it as “email jehad”. Such accusations should be seen as part of the demonisation campaign against Muslims by the Hindu Right. (The present intervention is, in a broader sense, what this writer describes as the de-Islamisation of India in his 2024 book, Shikwa-e-Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims.)

Sachar committee report

According to the 2006 Sachar report, there are more than 4.9 lakh registered Waqfs in the country. There is a large concentration of Waqf properties in States such as West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh. Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka also have a significant number of Waqf properties (see the table above).

The total area under waqf properties across the country is estimated at 6 lakh acres, according to the report. A sizeable number of waqf properties in urban areas are located in city centres, and their market value is many times more than the book value. The urban locations are not surprising, given that the Muslim dynasties that governed the country largely operated from cities.

For instance, the report said, in Delhi alone the value of the Waqf properties is more than Rs. 6,000 crore. However, although these properties are of considerable size and value, the income generated is rather meagre. The Sachar report found that the current income then was only about Rs.163 crore, signifying a meagre rate of return of 2.7 per cent. Of this amount, it said, the Waqf Boards are entitled to receive a 7 per cent share, which is to be used for their working expenses.

The remaining amount is expected to be spent on the stated objectives of the respective waqfs. Therefore, issues such as mismanagement and under-utilisation are genuine, and reforms are required. During its review, the Sachar Committee also found that records of waqf properties were mostly outdated or incomplete. This discovery led to consultations with Waqf Board members and other stakeholders, resulting in several recommendations, including the need to reform the Waqf Act and ensure women’s representation on the boards.

Ironically, the Sachar Committee itself had no women members, highlighting broader issues of inclusivity. The Waqf (Amendment) Bill also has a provision for women members, which is clearly taken from the Sachar Committee recommendations.

Waqf properties: Encroachment, misuse and revenue loss

Encroachment of waqf properties by various private and government organisations has been a matter of grave concern across the country. In an interview to this author on September 27, Syed Mehmood Akhtar, who served as Director of Waqf between 2007 and 2011 under the Ministry of Minority Affairs during the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, said that several prominent properties are built on encroached lands.

For instance, the ITC Windsor Manor in Bengaluru is built on leased waqf property. Likewise, other iconic properties on leased waqf land include the Tollygunge Club and the Royal Calcutta Golf Club in Kolkata, the latter being the oldest golf club in the country. None of these properties pay market rentals. Such lease arrangements across cities have been causing massive revenue losses for Waqf Boards in different States.

This is a key reason why amendments are necessary and why, without the active interventions of the state, well-entrenched violations cannot be addressed. The issue is further complicated by a long history of disputes and protracted legal battles with the government, private entities, and other organisations. For example, between 1911 and 1915, the colonial government acquired large tracts of land, including waqf properties, for the construction of the capital city of New Delhi.

Subsequent agreements with entities like the Sunni Majlis-e-Auqaf, which predated the Delhi Waqf Board, failed to resolve these disputes. In 1970, a significant number of these properties were officially recognised as waqf properties, yet over 300 legal suits were filed by various parties, including the Delhi Development Authority (DDA). Four high-powered committees were set up between 1974 and 1984 to examine the various disputes.

Waqf by use

The concept of “waqf by use”, which allows properties without formal records to be treated as waqf on the basis of their historical usage, is central to the administration of these properties. The current draft of the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, however, proposes to eliminate this concept, which could result in many such properties reverting to state control if no documentation exists to prove their waqf status. This issue led to a heated debate at a JPC meeting in August, reflecting the deep concerns within the Muslim community.

The draft Bill states: “Any government property identified or declared as Waqf property before or after the commencement of the Act shall not be recognised as Waqf property.”

The potential elimination of the “waqf by use” category could result in enormous losses for the Muslim community, particularly in major urban centres where such properties hold substantial economic and historical value, particularly dargahs, masjids, and qabristans.

Also Read | Why the proposed amendments to the law governing Waqf properties have triggered a fierce debate

As the Waqf (Amendment) Bill advances through the legislative channels, it is crucial to recognise that it represents more than just legal reform. It reflects the broader political dynamics at play in the country today—a manifestation of the ongoing struggle over the rights, identities, and future of the country’s many minority communities. The stakes are high, and the outcomes of this issue will resonate far beyond the confines of legal texts, potentially altering the fabric of our pluralistic society.

Speaking in Gurugram in September, Union Home Minister Amit Shah declared that the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024, would be passed in the upcoming winter session. But the government must approach the Bill with caution, balancing reforms with respect for the nation’s diverse historical and cultural foundations.

In an increasingly polarised atmosphere, the way forward must be rooted in justice, inclusivity, and the preservation of the country’s democratic ethos. The challenge, now more than ever, is to ensure that in pursuing national unity, we do not undermine the very pluralism that makes India unique.

Dr Mujibur Rehman is the author of Shikwa-e- Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims and teaches at Jamia Millia Central University, New Delhi.

Jharkhand is heading for a polarised Assembly election, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raising the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration and vowing to implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC), and the ruling Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) banking on its tribal leadership and its demand for a separate code for the Sarna tribal religion to gain victory.

Releasing the BJP’s manifesto on November 3 in Ranchi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah promised to “identify and deport” every infiltrator and take back the “land they usurped” from the tribal people. Shah also said that the tribal communities would be kept out of the ambit of the UCC, and announced that it would be implemented adopting the Uttarakhand model.

On this part, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said at an election rally in Chaibasa in Kolhan division on November 4, “They are snatching your bread, they are taking away your daughters and they are also usurping your land (ye aapki roti cheen rahe hain, aapki beti bhi chcheeni rahe hain aur ye aapki maati ko bhi hadap rahe hain). It drew a sharp reaction from the Congress and the Trinamool Congress, who called it a new low after Modi’s remarks in Rajasthan and Gujarat during the Lok Sabha election about the Opposition “stealing away the Mangalsutra” and “stealing away buffaloes” from the people.

Also Read | Back as Chief Minister, Hemant Soren aims to ride sympathy wave in Jharkhand Assembly election

This was a scale-up of the BJP’s ongoing campaign in the Santhal Pargana region, which claimed that Muslims from Bangladesh were marrying tribal women and changing the demography.

Shah attributed the alleged decline in the tribal population in Jharkhand to this reason and promised to put an end to it as the BJP government did in Assam, where the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was implemented in 2018-2019.

In both Assam and Uttarakhand, the BJP has drawn flak for undermining the Muslim population but has retained power in a polarised atmosphere.

Rattled at the BJP’s attempt to create a rupture in the tribal-Muslim alliance assiduously built by the INDIA coalition in the State, Chief Minister Hemant Soren asserted that neither the UCC nor the NRC will be allowed in Jharkhand. He also said that his government would rely solely on the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act (CNT) and the Santhal Pargana Act (SPT), the laws in force in the State, to protect the land ownership rights of the tribal people.

The JMM also upped the ante by promising to include the Sarna tribal religion (centred around the worship of nature) in the national census and implement a Sarna Code to govern tribal people. Four years ago, in 2020, the Jharkhand Assembly passed a resolution in its favour. Months ago when the Lok Sabha election was held, the BJP was cornered over the issue of the Sarna Code and lost all five seats reserved for the tribal communities.

With or without an alliance

In the NDA, while the BJP is contesting the majority of seats—68 out of 81—the lead alliance partner in the INDIA bloc, the JMM, is contesting only 43 seats. The Congress is contesting 30 Assembly seats as a part of the alliance and there are apprehensions that it might be the weak link, like in the 2022 Uttar Pradesh and 2020 Bihar Assembly elections.

While both the BJP and the JMM have a strong cadre base in the State, the former is also aided by the RSS. The other parties are mostly oriented around their leaders in the respective regions. But the Congress is confident of a good show. Party leader Alok Dubey said there is renewed confidence that the INDIA bloc will form the government once again.

After a strategy meeting of the party, Dubey said, “We took stock of our election preparations and various management activities for the final stretch of the campaign. We discussed ways to put our strategy into motion, from the Central and State level all the way to each booth. Our alliance is mounting a formidable campaign and we are in a strong position to form the government once again and continue the welfare and growth of Jharkhand for another five-year term.” However, Jharkhand has never re-elected an incumbent government in the past 24 years since the State was carved out from Bihar in 2000.

Of the five divisions—Kolhan, Santhal Pargana, North Chota Nagpur, South Chota Nagpur and Palamu—BJP was ahead in 2019 in only two—North Chota Nagpur and Palamu. Out of 25 seats in North Chota Nagpur, the BJP alone had won 10. It also won five out of nine assembly seats in Palamu division. Of the 14 seats in Kolhan, the BJP won none while it secured only 4 out of 18 seats in Santhal Pargana.

Out of the 15 Assembly seats in South Chota Nagpur, 11 are reserved for tribal candidates. Two of the 28 tribal reserved seats that the BJP won in 2019 were from this region. In total, the BJP got five seats in South Chota Nagpur and JMM-Congress eight. One was won by the All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) and one by the Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) [JVM(P)].

While in Kolhan the BJP is banking on three former tribal Chief Ministers—Champai Soren, Arjun Munda and Madhu Koda—for its revival, it hopes that polarisation will work in Santhal Pargana and that the alliance with AJSU in both divisions of Chota Nagpur. Playing safe, the BJP has fielded current MLAs and former MPs in the region.

As the BJP made a desperate bid to score over the JMM in tribal politics, one was witness to the spectacle of the tribal politician Mandal Murmu—one of the proposers of Hemant Soren’s nomination and a descendant of Sido-Kanhu (Sido Murmu and Kanhu Murmu) who led the 1855 iconic Santhal protest against the British and the zamindari system—joining the BJP on November 4.

Hemant Soren is contesting from Barhait in the Santhal Pargana region, where the JMM is in a relatively strong position. Despite the BJP’s focus on issues like Bangladeshi infiltrators and with Sita Soren, the Chief Minister’s sister-in-law, leaving the JMM and joining the saffron party in March (she is now contesting from the Jamtara seat), the JMM remains resilient.

Kolhan will be crucial

The 14 Assembly seats in the Kolhan region could decide the winner in the election. The BJP, which scored a duck there in the 2019 election, has now deployed all its machinery to change the outcome. It has fielded former Chief Minister Arjun Munda’s wife Meera Munda from Potka in East Singhbhum distirict, former JMM leader and former Chief Minister Champai Soren from Saraikela, and former Chief Minister Madhu Koda’s wife Gita Koda from Jagannathpur in West Singhbhum. All these candidates are from tribal communities. Champai Soren, who left the JMM and joined the BJP in August, is a prize catch for the party. He is called ‘Kolhan Tiger’ and the JMM is trying to prove hard that the tiger is toothless.

Other key seats in Kolhan are East Jamshedpur from where the BJP has fielded Purnima Sahu, the daughter in-law of former Chief Minister Raghubar Das, who was the only Jharkhand Chief Minister to have completed a full five-year term (2014 and 2019). Sahu is contesting against former Jharkhand Congress chief Ajoy Kumar, who as an IPS officer had served as Jamshedpur SP in the past.

The BJP lost the 2019 Assembly election in Jharkhand under the leadership of Das, an OBC candidate. Das himself lost to party rebel Saryu Rai, known once as the “Chanakya” of Jharkhand politics and who is now back in the NDA as the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] candidate from Jamshedpur West.

Rai earlier contested from this seat for the BJP but, after his revolt, he shifted to Jamshedpur East in 2019 and defeated sitting Chief Minister Das.

While the JMM, which had won 11 of the 14 seats in Kolhan in the last Assembly election, has fielded 9 of its sitting MLAs, the BJP has changed candidates in 10 seats. That reveals the state of mind of both the parties in the region.

Some of the Kolhan battles are interesting. Champai Soren had won the Saraikela seat for the JMM in 2019 against the BJP’s Ganesh Mahali. With Champai joining the BJP, the JMM has inducted Mahali and fielded him against the former Chief Minister from the seat.

Feedback from the ground suggests that while it could be smooth sailing for Champai Soren in Saraikela, his son Babulal Soren might find the going tough in Ghatshila. Addressing a rally in Ghatshila on November 5, Hemant Soren’s wife and candidate from Gandey Kalpana Soren cautioned against the BJP’s “money power” but asserted that only the bow-and-arrow symbol of the JMM would work there. JMM Minister Ramdas Soren is pitted against the newbie.

Gita Koda, who is contesting from Jagannathpur, and Meera Munda, the wife of former Chief Minister Arjun Munda, who is being fielded from Potka, are also strong candidates of the BJP.

Both Chief Minister Hemant Soren from Barhait in Santhal Pargana and Kalpana Soren in Gandey of North Chota Nagpur are well placed on the other side. The Gandey seat had fallen vacant after the resignation of Sarfaraz Ahmad this year and was won by Kalpana Soren in a byelection.

Hemant Soren’s brother Basant Soren’s advantage in the Dumka Assembly seat is that it has traditionally been a JMM seat. The seat has been represented by Hemant Soren umpteen times, including in 2019 when he won both the Dumka and Barhait seats. After he chose to resign from Dumka, Basant Soren won the seat in a byelection in 2020. The BJP’s Lois Marandi, who lost the seat to the JMM both times, has now joined the JMM.

Three-term MLA Sita Soren, the eldest daughter-in-law of Shibu Soren, who lost the Lok Sabha election from Dumka on a BJP ticket after joining the party in March, is also breathing easy in the Jamtara seat. Chances of a win for Purnima Das will depend a lot on the role played by JD(U) leader Saryu Rai.

BJP state president Babulal Marandi, contesting from Dhanwar, might find the going much easier in his traditional seat as both the JMM and the Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist (CPI-ML) have opted for a friendly contest fielding separate candidates there. In the BJP stronghold of Ranchi, the State capital, the JMM is making a last-ditch attempt to win by fielding its Rajya Sabha MP Mahua Majhi against six-term MLA C.P. Singh. In the last Assembly election, Singh defeated Majhi by a margin of a little over 5,000 votes. The BJP has traditionally been strong in the urban seats in Jharkhand.

Former Union Minister Rameshwar Oraon is contesting from Lohardaga on a Congress ticket. He had defeated the BJP’s Sukhdev Bhagat in the 2019 Assembly election. The number of votes he got in this tribal seat was more than the combined votes of the BJP and AJSU, which fought separately.

In Bokaro, also called the Steel City, two-term sitting BJP MLA Biranchi Narayan (BJP) will once again face Sweta Singh (Congress). Singh is the daughter-in-law of former BJP veteran Samresh Singh, who is said to have given the lotus symbol to the BJP.

In the coal belt of Dhanbad, the BJP MLA for the last two terms, Raj Sinha, will face Ajay Dubey of the Congress, who had lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from the seat to the BJP’s P. N. Singh.

It’s all relative

But the more interesting battle is in the coal belt in Jharia where the warring factions of Singh Mansion (residence of the family of former MLA and coal mafia leader late Suryadeo Singh) of Dhanbad, which used to call the shots, are battling it out.

Here the contest is between the sitting MLA from the Congress Purnima Neeraj Singh—wife of former deputy mayor of Dhanbad late Neeraj Singh—and BJP’s Ragini Singh, wife of former BJP MLA Sanjeev Singh. Neeraj was murdered in 2017 and Sanjeev Singh, his cousin, was arrested in the case. The clash between the two sisters-in-law also happened in 2019. Purnima Singh had then won against Ragini Singh. Clearly, the sympathy factor worked for Purnima Singh in the 2019 Assembly election after her husband’s killing, as Sanjeev Singh, who had won the seat in 2014, was arrested.

Alliance is key to power in Jharkhand. In 2014 when the JMM and the Congress fought separately, they could win only 25 seats but after forming the alliance in 2019, their tally rose to 47. The BJP learnt it the hard way in 2019 when it did not ally with the AJSU and could win only 25 seats—a substantial decline from the 42 it had bagged in alliance with that party in 2014.

This time, both sides have strong alliances. While the BJP-AJSU has added JD(U) and Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) to its grouping, the JMM-Congress also has the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Left parties in the INDIA bloc. With Babulal Marandi back in the BJP as its State chief, his party JVM(P)’s six per cent vote share may also add to the NDA’s numbers.

The new kid on the block

The emergence of the Jairam Mahato-led Jharkhand Loktantrik Krantikari Morcha surprised many people with its vote share in a number of Lok Sabha seats in the last general election. Mahato belongs to the same Kudmi-Kurmi caste that is the support base of the AJSU. His politics of “locals versus outsiders”, a pale remnant of the “diku (outsider) versus native” politics during the Jharkhand movement, could disrupt the existing course and discourse of political alignments in the State.

Mahato himself had secured 3.47 lakh votes when he contested from the Giridih Lok Sabha seat. This time, he is contesting from the Dumri Assembly seat and many people are sure that he will win.

The Kurmis, accounting for nearly 14 per cent of the votes, can tilt the balance in over 30 of the 81 Assembly seats in Jharkhand, particularly in the districts of Ranchi, Dhanbad, Hazaribagh, Jamshedpur and Giridih.

Also Read | Jharkhand: Defeat in all Lok Sabha seats reserved for Scheduled Tribes could hurt BJP in Assembly elections

Tribal people account for 26.21 per cent of Jharkhand’s population and have 28 seats reserved for them. The JMM had won 19 of them, the Congress 6, the BJP 2 and Marandi’s JVM(P) 1. Despite Marandi now being with the BJP, the party could not win even a single of the five Lok Sabha seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes. And Hemant Soren is now out of prison.

Women voters outnumber men in 32 Assembly constituencies. Out of these 32, 26 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, which means only 2 other seats reserved for STs have more male voters. Men migrate to other cities for work, especially from the tribal and Dalit segments; hence women’s votes are important. That possibly explains why the BJP has fielded more women this time, though most of them are from political families.

The BJP has pitched the Gogo Didi Yojana to counter the JMM-led alliance government’s Maiyan Samman Yojana to attract female voters. The BJP has promised in its manifesto that it would transfer Rs 2,100 per month to the bank accounts of women, under the scheme, after forming the government.

Under the Maiyan Samman Yojana, Rs 1,000 per month is credited to the accounts of over 50 lakh women in the State. Chief minister Hemant Soren said that the amount would be increased to Rs 2,500 every month from December, if his party is voted to power again.

Polarisation and promises apart, people in the tribal state are looking for a real change in their fortune. Will the politicians live up to the expectations? 

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi avoided mentioning Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a meeting on Sunday and dubbed it a ‘boring’ topic. The assertion came while he campaigned with Priyanka Gandhi in Wayanad for the upcoming bypolls. Meanwhile his sister lambasted the PM for ‘favoring big business interests over the well-being of the people’.

“In this meeting, I have a choice in front of me to either give a political message or a speech I would give to my family members. I would rather speak to you like I speak to my family. I would like to give a speech more about the candidate herself. And, anyway, she has already mentioned Mr. Modi and we all bored of him…then why mention him twice?” Rahul Gandhi asked during the meeting.

Rahul Gandhi had won the Lok Sabha polls from both Wayanad and Raebareli earlier this year. A by-election was necessitated after he opted to retain the family bastion of Raebareli. Voting in Wayanad will be held on November 13.

My sister has always been a campaigner. She never stood for election. That should tell you something about her character, Gandhi told the crowd on Sunday.

Sharing their nostalgic memories of childhood when they competed with each other using the cameras gifted by their father (late Rajiv Gandhi) for capturing the best photograph, he said, “I still don’t remember who won the competition.. ok.. she (Priyanka ) is now saying that I won.”

He said Priyanka had travelled a long distance from the little girl taking the photographs.

“She understands that the beauty is that everyone has millions and millions of labels, every single person is unique, everything is unique – someone might see weakness, she’ll see strength – that is my sister,” the Leader of Opposition said.

Rahul Gandhi also said that Priyanka can do more roles than him.

The Wayanad Lok Sabha constituency consists of seven Assembly segments– Mananthavady (ST), Sulthan Bathery (ST) and Kalpetta in Wayanad district, Thiruvambady in Kozhikode district and Eranad, Nilambur, and Wandoor in Malappuram district.

(With inputs from agencies)

Congress leaders on Friday hit-back at Prime Minister Narendra Modi for targeting the grand old party and its chief Mallikarjun Kharge over poll promises and said that ‘nobody in the party can lie like PM Modi’.

In a series of tweets, PM Modi said that Congress Party is realising the hard way that making unreal promises is easy but implementing them properly is tough or impossible.

Modi’s comment came after Kharge’s comments that the party’s state units should make promises that are properly budgeted and do not lead to financial troubles.

However, soon the Congress rejected the allegations and said that the government of India is not delivering what they promised. “They are blaming us for non-delivery. But on our part, we are delivering on our promises,” said Congress general secretary KC Venugopal.

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah also tagged Modi and said that before pointing fingers at Congress, take a hard look at BJP’s disastrous legacy in Karnataka!

“We are fulfilling every promise we made to our people – all 5 guarantees implemented with a budget over ₹52,000 crore, and an additional ₹52,903 crore in capital outlay to build Karnataka’s future. And the irony? While Karnataka contributes significantly to the Union’s coffers, your government starves us of our rightful share to prevent us from implementing guarantee schemes.”

Siddaramaiah stated that for every rupee Karnataka gives, they only receive 13 paise back.

“This is not ‘cooperative federalism’; it’s outright exploitation. While Congress in Karnataka has delivered, BJP continues to fail Indians nationwide.”

Congress leader Udit Raj said that nobody in the party can lie like PM Modi.

“He had spoken about 2 crore jobs, about ₹15 Lakhs in accounts, about doubling of farmers’ income, about houses for everyone till 2022. He did not do anything but didn’t even apologise for it,” reported ANI quoting Udit Raj.
He further added that Kharge and Congress party have warned that we should promise only that much as much as it can be implemented. “They are liars. We speak the truth.”

Catch all the Business News, Politics news,Breaking NewsEvents andLatest News Updates on Live Mint. Download TheMint News App to get Daily Market Updates.

MoreLess

New Delhi: Digital arrests have recently emerged as a common form of digital fraud in India, costing Indians a significant portion of their hard-earned money. However, digital arrest is merely a scam that may be avoided by being aware of the fraudulent techniques used by con artists to digitally arrest victims. 

During his recent Mann ki Baat address, Prime Minister Narendra Modi warned the country about the surge of digital arrest frauds. He said that “there is nothing like digital arrest in our law” and that this is merely fraud. According to PM Modi, digital arrest can be avoided by following the three steps of digital security: stop, think, and act.

What is a digital arrest?

In a digital arrest scam, con artists pose as the CBI, police, and occasionally RBI personnel. They first use phone calls to reach their victims before moving on to video calls via Skype and WhatsApp.

The scammers typically use a police station-style setup after switching to video to trick victims into thinking that officers are making the call. 

The con artists claim that the target’s detention results from their alleged unlawful activities. 

A warrant for a digital arrest for the purported offense is threatened to the victims. To revoke the digital arrest warrant, the scammers then demand cash or a penalty. Following payment, the scammers vanish, leaving the victims with a financial loss.

Thousands of people have fallen victim to such scammers. According to data from the National Cybercrime Reporting Portal (NCRP ), this fraud is very common. An Indian Express report using NCRP statistics claims that in the first quarter of 2024, Indians lost up to Rs 120 crore due to digital arrest cases.

How to spot a digital arrest scam?

During his recent Mann ki Baat address, Prime Minister Modi issued a warning to the country on the increase in digital arrest frauds. The PM said there is nothing like digital arrest in our law and the gang of criminals doing this are enemies of society.

Scams using digital arrest are detectable. First off, nobody from the government calls people and threatens them or demands money. PM Modi claims that no government organization calls people to demand money. 

Second, there’s no reason to be alarmed if you receive such a call. You should realize that the scammers have gathered your personal information and are attempting to intimidate you. 

Thirdly, scammers frequently fabricate an emergency to force you to act impulsively. By staying on the call all the time, scammers exert pressure on the victim. It may be a case of cybercrime if you believe that the con artists are inciting a sense of urgency. 

Fourth, you should be on guard if the con artists implicate you in a significant crime while on the phone. Since you haven’t done anything illegal, you can tell right once that this call is fraudulent.

How to protect yourself from a digital arrest scam?

The key to avoiding being a victim of digital arrest scams is to remain alert and aware of such fraudulent activities. According to PM Modi, there are three steps to digital security: stop, think, and act.

* There is nothing like digital arrest in our law.

* No government agency calls people and threatens them, nor does it demand money over a video call.

* Don’t panic when you receive a call. Instead, take a screenshot and record a call.

* Verify the identification of fraudsters posing as law enforcement authorities by getting in touch with the government or law enforcement officials directly through the appropriate route. 

* The first thing to do if you fall victim to a digital arrest scam is to report your bank and freeze your account right away.

* Never divulge private information to third parties, including KYC details, bank details like – user ID password, card details, CVV, OTPs or PIN number.

* Victims should call the national cyber helpline 1930 and report such incidents on cybercrime.gov.in.

The Maharashtra government’s ambitious aim to turn the State into a $1 trillion economic hub with massive infrastructural development in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) got an impetus with Klaus Schwab, World Economic Forum’s Executive Chairman, signing a memorandum of understanding with Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA) in September. Right now, MMR contributes $140 billion to the country’s GDP.

MMR is rapidly developing. The mega projects include a Metro Rail, Coastal Highway, connecting bridges, tunnels, and road widening. The estimated cost of these projects is around Rs.5 lakh crore. The State Cabinet has passed the MMRDA plan of Rs.58,000 crore in two months before the Model Code of Conduct comes into place.

The announcement of these projects in the last four months is no coincidence, in the run-up to the Assembly election. It is an attempt to woo voters of the MMR zone and the State’s urban pockets. The MMR zone has 63 Assembly constituencies. In the Lok Sabha election, the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) won in six out of 11 constituencies. NDA could win in only 17 constituencies out of Maharashtra’s 48: six were won in MMR, underscoring the region’s importance to Mahayuti, as NDA is called in Maharashtra.

On October 5, Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the first underground metro train from Bandra-Kurla Complex to Aarey Colony at Rs.14,120 crore.

In the Pune Metropolitan Region where there are 15 Assembly seats, a Rs.47,000 crore ring route has been in the news for a few years. The state cabinet approved the financial closure report of the ring route in September.

These big-ticket infrastructure projects have been recently publicised, targeting the urban voter. Parth Das of Today’s Chanakya, a survey agency that has been conducting an extensive survey in Maharashtra, says: “Respondents have listed projects such as the Atal Setu (Mumbai trans harbour link) or Samruddhi Mahamarg (high-speed highway connecting Mumbai to Nagpur) as works of the BJP government. Voters believe this is proof of the country’s development.”

In the name of nation-building

This trend of selling big urban infrastructure projects as “development” has built over the years. But the recent changes are significantly different. Bharat Patil of Unique Academy and Research of Pune says, “Bhakra Nangal was an important and necessary project. It was hailed as an important step in nation-building. But Samruddhi Mahamarg is an unnecessary project. The State could have used that money to widen and strengthen existing roads connecting Mumbai to Nagpur. But Samruddhi got huge publicity. So, people now believe that it is a great contribution towards developing Maharashtra.”

Sanjeev Chandorkar, ex-associate professor at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, points out that the Modi regime has stepped up the infrastructure budget from Rs.5 lakh crore to Rs.12 lakh crore in the recent Budget. “This huge jump is a sign of how global and national capital is being absorbed into mega infrastructure projects. But on the other hand, it is also true that these big contracts are going to the cronies of the regime. We have seen it in the electoral bond issue. So, this big infrastructure has the possibility of corruption, making political beneficiaries financially stronger. So, people praise it for its spectacular work and the political class enjoys all other benefits.”

Also Read | Maharashtra: A State in flux

Apart from urban pockets, big projects are being pushed in rural areas too. The main projects for rural Maharashtra are related to irrigation. In the last three Cabinet meetings held in September and October, the State government cleared projects worth Rs.40,000 crore. This includes the Nar-Par-Girna Valley link project project of Rs.7,000 crore, the Damanganga-Ekdare-Godavari river-linking project project of Rs.13,000 crore, the Ashti lift irrigation project of Rs.700 crore, and various other projects. These projects influence 40 Assembly constituencies in Nasik, Jalgaon, Beed, Jalana, Ahmednagar, Dhule, and Palghar districts. In the recent Lok Sabha election, BJP could win only two seats in Jalgaon district and one in Palghar.

Mahendra Mahajan, a senior journalist from Nashik, believes that these announcements have the capacity to influence voters. But he cautions that while irrigation “is important”, the completion of these projects “will take years”. He adds: “Right now, farmers are struggling with falling prices and the rain. If the government fails to address these issues, mega announcements will have no significance.”

Ashwini Kulkarni, director of Samparka Abhiyan, an initiative that looks after work related to the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) and other works related to rural development,raises doubts about these projects too. “Every big project is passed after the due process of audits. There should also be an audit of the project 10 years after its completion. In Maharashtra’s case, local solutions to irrigation issues have more potential than these big projects.” She also points out the detrimental impacts of mega projects. “Smaller projects are more environmentally friendly. They have zero carbon footprint. Mega projects need huge cement and other material.”

Also Read | Maximum State

So what is the take of the public? Frontline spoke to people across age, gender, and localities in Mumbai and its suburbs as well as people in Pune city. Milind Kedar, a driver from Ulhasnagar, Mumbai, says, “After Atal Setu, my driving time has reduced by almost an hour daily. Earlier I needed two hours to reach Colaba but now it takes me one-and-a-half hours.” Vijaya Kulkarni, a doctor, needs to travel from Bandra to Parel to Bhandup three days a week. Most of her day is spent travelling. “Traffic in the city has affected my profession in a big way. Our medical appointments are planned by guessing the traffic situation. So, the Bandra Kurla connectors are actually very helpful for me.” Akshay Dabhade, a medical representative, travels by local train every day in Mumbai. He believes the metro network will help him reduce his travel time. “The Colaba-SEEPZ metro line is very important. It will reduce our travel time,” he says.

Nikhil Konde Deshmukh, a contractor, supports the idea of the ring route in Pune. “I have work going on in three directions of the city. The ring route is much needed in Pune. We spend two hours in the morning and evening crossing the city. It affects our work badly,” he says. Gururaj Valavi, a law student who lives in Pune’s Hadapsar area now uses the metro to reach college. “Earlier, Pune city transport used to take an hour. But now get there in 25 minutes. The metro is necessary for us,” he says.

These responses to mega projects show that the masses are in favour of them. Although this may not be the only factor determining voting preference, people at large see the big projects necessary for development.

What about schools?

Maharashtra needs infrastructure strengthening more in backward districts than MMR and Pune. “Schools, health facilities, and connecting roads to small villages are also parts of the infrastructure. Maharashtra is highly deprived of this,” says Savita Kulkarni, a professor with the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics in Pune, who has co-authored a book on the infrastructure in Maharashtra. “State policymakers need to focus on these smaller sectors compared to big bridges or metro railways. Ultimately, balanced development of all regions only reduces the stress on cities.”

Recently, the contractor association of Maharashtra protested across the State for pending bills worth Rs.27,000 crore. These works are largely related to schools, village panchayat offices, and maintenance of government offices at tehsils or roads for SC/ST settlements.

While the masses at large appear to support big projects, policymakers do need to understand the people’s real needs. In an ideal world, an election is the time to discuss these. But in Maharashtra, these priorities are skewed in public discourse.