LISTEN | Amit Baruah in conversation with Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami

The CPI (M) leader says this election was the only option for the people of Jammu and Kashmir to express themselves. 
| Video Credit:
Interview by Amit Baruah; Editing by Samson Ronald K.; Produced by: Jinoy Jose P.

In a conversation with senior journalist Amit Baruah, Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami, a veteran CPI(M) leader and MLA from Jammu and Kashmir’s Kulgam, offers a candid and nuanced perspective on the region’s recent Assembly election—the first since the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. Speaking after securing his fifth term as an MLA, Tarigami paints a complex picture of a populace eager for democratic expression yet constrained by years of political turmoil and centralised control.

He describes the elections as a watershed moment, where citizens across all demographics seized a rare opportunity to voice their concerns through the ballot, breaking a long spell of enforced silence. However, Tarigami’s optimism is tempered with caution as he outlines the challenges ahead: a polarised political landscape, diminished local autonomy, and the delicate balancing act required in dealing with the Central government.

Amit Baruah is a senior journalist.

In a conversation with senior journalist Amit Baruah, Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami, a veteran CPI(M) leader and MLA from Jammu and Kashmir’s Kulgam, offers a candid and nuanced perspective on the region’s recent Assembly election—the first since the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. Speaking after securing his fifth term as an MLA, Tarigami paints a complex picture of a populace eager for democratic expression yet constrained by years of political turmoil and centralised control. He describes the elections as a watershed moment, where citizens across all demographics seized a rare opportunity to voice their concerns through the ballot, breaking a long spell of enforced silence. However, Tarigami’s optimism is tempered with caution as he outlines the challenges ahead: a polarised political landscape, diminished local autonomy, and the delicate balancing act required in dealing with the Central government.

Edited excerpts: 

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Also Read | The fundamental demand is the restoration of Statehood: Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami

Amit Baruah is a senior journalist.

Early one morning, a group of workers in Mirhama village of South Kashmir’s Kulgam district, wearing white skullcaps gathered outside the polling station to monitor the election process. The workers belonged to the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), a socio-religious organisation, and had arrived to ensure that the voter base of Jamaat-backed candidate remained intact. 

Just a few steps away were the party workers of Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) leader Mohamad Yousuf Tarigami, who seems to be little unnerved with the presence of Jamaat workers, his old rivals. “These weren’t the scenes in past elections,” said a CPI (M) worker.

Since 1996, the Kulgam district has become the Left’s only political bastion in Jammu and Kashmir; the CPI (M) leader was sent to the erstwhile State’s Legislative Assembly for four consecutive terms: in 1996, 2002, 2008, and 2014. However, with the resurgence of the outlawed outfit, the leftist leader is facing a significant challenge. Like other districts, Kulgam has become one of Kashmir’s most contested place in the election.

Also Read | Jammu and Kashmir: The battle that lies beyond elections

On September 18, Kashmir voted in the first phase. The voters said it had been an easy win for Tarigami until Jamaat-backed independent candidate Sayyar Ahmad Reshi entered the contest.

Holding The Fort 

Born in Tarigami village of Kulgam district in 1949, the communist leader comes from a humble background. His father was a farmer. He started his political career in 1967, when he was still in college, by advocating for farmers’ rights. He and his friends stood up to the forcible procurement of rice in the region. 

Tarigami was a wannabe Marxist in Kashmir’s urban circles in the 70s. During that Soviet era, he supposedly rubbed shoulders with leftists of Srinagar and got some prominence. But when a blast rattled the Marxist circle in India Coffee House in the late 80s, Tarigami and his comrades faced the heat of the gun. He lost some of his compatriots and went into political hibernation. By 1996, Tarigami, much like the “independents” of contemporary Kashmir, decided to end the political void created by insurgency. 

His Marxist background and patronage from Delhi—which then had a substantial Left presence—worked in his favour. JeI’s fatwa—declaring elections under India rule haram—favoured the comrade’s chances. In the subsequent elections in 2002, 2008, 2014‚ in the supposed JeI citadel, Tarigami thrived on boycott and least resistance from his political opponents. 

What also worked in his favour was the fact that Kashmir’s grand old party—National Conference—hardly fielded any mass leader against him. Even in this election, they dropped their candidate Imran Nabi Dar, providing space to Tarigami once again.

In his home town, he was very vocal about the issues students faced during the time and eventually raised his voice against the State and its policies. He was detained several times by the State and was booked under detention laws. At the same time, he survived deadly attacks from militant groups a couple of times. In 2009, he survived a suicide attack in in Tulsibagh in Srinagar. 

Jamaat’s oldest turf was Kulgam district until it decided not to contest elections after 1987, giving a safe passage for other parties. In 1987, Jamaat was part of the Muslim United Front (MUF)— a conglomerate of several parties, who were apparently winning. However, the election results were widely believed to have been rigged, allowing the National Conference, led by Farooq Abdullah, to form the government despite allegations that the MUF had garnered substantial public support. This rigging is often cited as a key turning point in Kashmir’s political history, contributing to widespread disenchantment and the subsequent rise of militancy. 

Many MUF candidates crossed the Line of Control (LoC) to Pakistan and received armed training, thus starting the deadly insurgency that claimed thousands of lives. Since the 90’s, hundreds of political workers have been killed and kidnapped by militants. Interestingly, the Jamaat-backed candidate Abdul Razak Mir (Bachru) was one among the four successful MUF candidates. He fought from the Kulgam seat. “So, you can understand that despite the rigging, Mir won, because Jamaat had a strong base in Kulgam,” said a political analyst from South Kashmir, wishing not to be named. 

Kashmir was engulfed in turmoil, with militancy at its peak, making political activities anything but easy. At the same time, Jamaat also had to face the wrath from the State—thus their presence was diminished. 

Taking advantage of the situation, Tarigami decided to contest the first Assembly election from the Jamaat bastion, and he won. Without propagating Leftist ideology, Tarigami spoke about the issues that resonated with the public. “That is what made him popular. He spoke about local issues and worked for infrastructure development of his area,” said the political analyst. 

Despite threats and challenges, Tarigami kept the CPI(M) flag alive in the Muslim-majority region, becoming an increasingly prominent figure in electoral politics. His “people-friendly politics” and commitment to his constituents allowed him to maintain a foothold in an area dominated by religious and political rivals, solidifying his reputation as a resilient leader despite the volatile political landscape in Kashmir. In 2020, CPI (M) won five of the six seats in the District Development Council election in Kashmir. 

Resurgence of old rivals

However, with the abrogation of Article 370, the entire political scenario got changed. New Delhi launched a massive crackdown on political leaders, who were detained under preventive laws for months in Srinagar. Tarigami, became a prominent figure in the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD). PAGD, now defunct, was an electoral alliance between the several regional political parties in Jammu and Kashmir. The alliance sought the restoration of Article 370. 

Tarigami held the position of spokesperson for the alliance. However, he along with dozens of pro-Indian political leaders were detained. Shortly before that, the Ministry of Home Affairs banned JeI under the provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) shortly after the Pulwama terror attack. A number of its leaders and workers were arrested and lodged in different jails across the country and in Jammu and Kashmir. 

However, in May this year, the outfit decided to participate in the Lok Sabha election and many of its top leaders were seen waiting in queue outside polling stations to cast their votes. The decision to participate in the electoral process, after three decades, was taken by a five-member panel formed by the top Jamaat leaders. “The changing political scenario, post revocation of the special status made us believe we needed to participate and in fact contest elections,” Ghulam Qadir Wani, a member of the panel, told Frontline earlier. 

Also Read | Kashmir’s Public Safety Act: Former defenders National Conference and PDP now seek its repeal

According to JeI sources, they had several rounds of talks with New Delhi and expected the ban will be revoked ahead of the election. However, on 25 August, a tribunal court in New Delhi extended the ban for five more years, prompting JeI to contest the election independently. Jamaat held its first major rally in Kulgam district in which top Jamaat leaders participated. “There was a massive response to the rally,” said Sayar Ahmad Reshi, a JeI backed candidate. The return of Jamaat in the district posed a stiff challenge to the leftist leader. And the anti-incumbency sentiment loomed large in the area. “Tarigami has been representing the constituency for the last 24 years. It is time for a change. People want a new face now,” said Saqib Padder, a youth from Kulgam. 

Another factor that caused significant concern for Tarigami was the 2022 delimitation process, which redrew the boundaries of many CPI(M) stronghold villages in the Kulgam constituency, merging them with neighbouring constituencies. Also, his two confidantes, Engineer Mohammad Aqib and Muhammad Amin Dar, parted ways from him. While Aqib contested on the Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party’s ticket, Dar contested on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket. Tarigami, however, asserts that the only challenge for him is the “patronage” JeI enjoys from the “BJP government”. 

Amidst the ongoing allegations and counter-allegations, all eyes are on October 8, when the election results will be announced. It remains to be seen whether the veteran comrade will hold onto his stronghold or if Kulgam will witness the emergence of a new face.

Auqib Javeed is an independent journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir. He reports on human rights, politics, and the environment.

On August 16, the Election Commission of India announced the Assembly election for Jammu and Kashmir, giving people a chance to elect representatives after 10 years. These elections are significant, considering Jammu and Kashmir lost Article 370, its special status and statehood, on August 5, 2019. To understand the mood on the ground, Frontlinespoke to Jammu and Kashmir CPI(M) leader and People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD) spokesperson, Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami.

A year after the abrogation of Article 370 in October 2020, several political parties formed the PAGD. Now, with the election approaching, we dot hear much about the alliance. Is it still active or has it collapsed?

We have to understand the context of the emergence of PAGD. It was not after August 5, 2019, but one day before, on August 4, that Dr. Farooq Abdullah [President of Jammu and Kashmir National Conference] convened a meeting at his residence. Most of us political leaders participated in the deliberations because there were rumours about abrogation, trifurcation, bifurcation, and so on. We agreed to issue a declaration demanding the Government of India put these rumours to rest and that no attempt should be made to reduce the historical and constitutional status of Jammu and Kashmir or turn it into Union Territories.

We also appealed to the Prime Minister that any decision regarding Jammu and Kashmir should be taken only after consulting the real stakeholders of the State itself, meaning all the political foundations of the State. After August 5, most of us were either detained in jails or placed under house arrest. Dr. Abdullah was under house arrest, I was also under detention. Almost all shades of political leaders were under detention. Then again, after a gap of time, we met at the residence of Dr. Abdullah and decided to revive the efforts we had initiated. There were many attempts by the authorities to divide us and make us dysfunctional. Nevertheless, we tried to remain together and succeeded to some extent in raising the concerns of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

WATCH | ‘Article 370 should be the concern of the republic itself’: Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami, Convenor, PAGD

In an exclusive interview with Frontline, Tarigami addresses the challenges facing the region, including the downgrading of statehood, concerns over land and job protections, and the need for unity among secular parties to counter the BJP’s influence.
| Video Credit:
Interview by Irfan Amin Malik; Production Assistants: Mridula V and Kavya Pradeep M; Editing by Samson Ronald K.; Produced By: Jinoy Jose P. 

You mean to say that the government has actually played a role in creating a division between the PAGD constituents?

It is not a question of whether they created it. But they certainly attempted to and did not succeed. PAGDwas an eyesore for the government and remained so for the administration. They have accused us, condemned us, and even declaring us as a “gang of Gupkar.” All those abuses and accusations were levelled against all the political leaders.

Also Read | Kashmir’s revolt at the ballot box

But during all these years, we saw a lot of political parties leaving the alliance for many reasons.

That is a fact. At one point, Sajjad Lone and some others such as the Congress were associated. Later on, when we visited Jammu and the question of increasing the number of voters arose, that concern pushed us together, including those sections of politicians from the Jammu region that were not part of Gupkar earlier. The necessity for the emergence of such a political forum was because of the concerns about the constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. In our view, it was a big assault on the bond of relationship itself. Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India in certain circumstances when there was a claim from across the border.

This was the only Muslim-majority area bordering the other side, and the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the then leadership took a historical stand and offered to have a relationship with the Union of India. The Constituent Assembly incorporated Article 370 in the Constitution of India. It did not come from any other area or country. It emerged out of the discussion and debate of the Constituent Assembly. It arose because of the pact between the leadership of Jammu and Kashmir and the Union of India. This is historically a bond of relationship, which has been assaulted. Article 370 is not a favour. It is not just the concern of the people of Jammu and Kashmir alone. It should be the concern of the republic itself.

At a time when two major regional parties, the National Conference and PDP, were part of PAGD, we saw recently in the Lok Sabha election that both fought elections separately.

You see, there is a misconception that PAGD is a parade for electoral purposes. It is not. It is the question of the larger concern. There could have not been any meeting ground for those sections of the population that have contrary views on many other issues. We were accused of being confined to the valley. This nomenclature emerged just because the meeting took place in Gupkar, but it was an alliance that concerned itself with issues pertaining to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It is not confined to the valley.

My point is, and if you go through the declaration which was adopted unanimously on August 4, 2019, there is no mention of elections. There was no question of elections at that time. The concern was that there should not be any assault on our Constitutional rights. And that concern remains even now. Those concerns are not just attended to, erased, or addressed.

Also Read | Abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A: Assault on the Constitution

As a PAGD spokesperson, do you not agree with those leaders who have already left? On many occasions, they told me that the PAGD is not an electoral alliance, it is an ideological alliance.

I am not talking about ideology. I am talking about the political concerns of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

A shopkeeper shows stickers of logos of different political parties ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in Jammu. August 29, 2024.
| Photo Credit:
PTI

Why did PAGD then fight DDC (District Development Council) election?

Again, it was a compulsion. At that time, we were in Jammu holding a meeting, talking to the people there as well because we were told that we were confined to the valley. Then all of a sudden, there was an announcement of the DDC election. We hurriedly decided that we should take advantage of this situation.

So would it be right to say that PAGD could not move forward?

The essential reason, the real reason for the emergence of PAGD is the broader concern of the people of Jammu and Kashmir regarding the assault that took place on August 5, 2019, against the constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people. That is the concern. That concern remains even now. Whether political parties get engaged, some may come, some may go, or it may not remain functional, it may get dysfunctional. But nevertheless, as a citizen, I must tell you that the concerns of each one of us, the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir, remain.

It is a historical State that has been downgraded without the consent of the real stakeholders, the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Now look at Ladakh. Earlier, when this decision was taken, there was some sort of celebration in the Leh area because they wanted Union Territory status. Now what is happening? Kashmiris have yet to decide to come collectively on the streets to protest. But in Kargil, they have shouted on the streets saying that we need protection of land, we need protection of jobs, we need Statehood, we need legislature. So my point is, now go to Jammu. 

There is erosion. In the last Parliamentary election, despite tall claims by the BJP that there was no effective resistance from opposition parties, many people voiced their concerns and voted against the BJP.It is not only in the valley that business is down, the market is down. It is equally so in the Jammu region. Where are the jobs? They had claimed that earlier Kashmiris have taken the jobs, and Jammu people were waiting. The younger generation is still waiting. There are no jobs. And whatever jobs are there now, the gates are open for those who are outside the boundary of Jammu and Kashmir, which was earlier guaranteed by the Maharaja by issuing a notification in 1927 that no outsider should come to purchase land or get employment here. This demand emerged out of the concerns of the people of Jammu. The notification was issued not by a popular government but by the ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh. Now Jammu’s people are feeling the brunt of this whole process, which is highly undemocratic, highly anti-people.

Being an INDIA alliance member, why has PDP been sidelined?

I am concerned because, you see, after years together we do not have an Assembly. This is the only region in the whole country where there is no Assembly since 2018. The last Assembly election held in this region was in 2014, 10 years ago. So, the denial of democratic rights, denial of the very basic right of having our own Assembly, is a concern for the whole population here. Why has it happened now? Why was it not happening before? Because they were not sure about the support that they wanted to engineer. They went for delimitation, and added more seats to the Jammu region irrespective of the lesser population.

Then they again nominated five more members, and the nomination will be done by the Lieutenant Governor. They have made amendments. Now people are talking about restoring Statehood. The Supreme Court of India has said so. But instead of restoring Statehood, the business rules have been amended. One more amendment has been moved in the Reorganisation Act itself, downgrading the cabinet, downgrading the Assembly, and empowering the unelected Lieutenant Governor. Not only that, the budget was presented by the Union government. Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, minus the grants of police, budgetary allocations were put in the list of budget. What does it mean? Taking control of the police. Now whatever Assembly there will be tomorrow, it will be with less power.

Also Read | A.G. Noorani: Architect of the ‘Kashmir Formula’

You have been vocal regarding the restoration of Article 370, and you have been fighting for it along with other parties. But the Congress, being in the INDIA alliance, did not include Article 370 in their manifesto. Isn’t there a clash within the alliance?

I must tell you very frankly, you cannot just go with a fixed arrangement. When we talk about the Assembly election, we must understand that as of today, there is the BJP, which has denied this right for over a couple of years despite their requirements. They did it now because of Supreme Court directions, and because there was no other option left for the government. Now we are together. We have to be together. Not that everybody will agree with my proposals or my concerns. There may be disagreements.

We have diverse populations in Kashmir and Jammu, and we have to carve out certain areas of agreement where we can move together. It does not mean that I am giving up my position, and it does not equally mean that anybody else is supposed to accept my interpretation of the situation or my agenda. In the Parliamentary election, there was an alliance between Congress and the NC. We supported that as CPI(M). PDP was not part of that. Of course, we should have tried to avoid that, I agree. But the fact remains that Congress will not be the same as NC, and NC will not toe the line of Congress in everything. But we are unanimous on the restoration of democracy, making the administration accountable, putting an end to repressive measures against writers, journalists, students, youth, and so on. These are vital demands.

The fundamental demand, as of now, as the Supreme Court has mentioned in its judgment, is the restoration of Statehood. That remains a very important demand of all the people in Jammu and Kashmir. Besides, we want protection of land and jobs. These are important areas that have been identified by all concerned people. Fundamentally, in my view, the BJP has assaulted the Constitutional rights and the very basic rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, depriving the people of the rule of law. Bureaucracy is doing whatever it wants to do. There is huge suffocation that people are facing, whether in Kashmir or in Jammu, regarding livelihood, price rise, freedom of expression, and freedom of association. All these issues matter, and for that, broader agreements are there. There may be certain disagreements, but disagreements must not stop us from shaking hands wherever there is some possibility of working together.

Also Read | Fresh militant attacks cast shadow over Assembly election in Jammu and Kashmir

How powerful could the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly be as a Union Territory? How might the Lieutenant Governor’s expanded powers under recent amendments to the Transaction of Business Rules affect this?

That is what I am saying. The Government of India is not granting us power. They do not want to empower the people. We are not asking them to give us more power. We are asking them to restore whatever powers were there with this historic State. When the Prime Minister convened an all-parties meeting last time, he and the Home Minister assured us about the restoration of full Statehood. Now you see elections, but there is a huge effort by the Government of India to ensure that whatever Assembly is there, it is not empowered.

Why are we participating in such an exercise? Just because we do not have any other option. People often want that option, and whatever circumstances are there must be utilised. The debate and discussion that can be possible only in that house, I think, remains a requirement for all of us. The emergence of the alliance of secular parties is important in order to isolate BJP. Because BJP is desperate to impose itself on the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

Is it getting difficult for you to talk to people on the ground? Are your workers motivated this time to vote, considering Jammu and Kashmir is now a Union Territory?

I do not think they need to be convinced. They are learning through their own experiences. They understand that they do not have any other option to express themselves, any platform where they can express their concerns. So this is, in my view, an opportunity for the people of Jammu and Kashmir because we do not have any other option. I appeal to the people of Jammu and Kashmir particularly youth to come forward in good numbers and continue in the process of isolating those who have undermined the very democratic rights and Constitutional rights of the people.

The Assembly election announcement has set off party-switching among political leaders. Many say a fractured mandate is possible. While BJP claims Jammu as its stronghold, the situation in Kashmir is less clear, with multiple parties contesting.

The Government of India and the administration will try to divide us, to create certain elements, encourage such elements.

But if such a situation arises?

People have the capacity to understand the situation.

What if a situation arises where Jammu goes to BJP and Kashmir gets divided among regional political parties?

Now Jammu’s people have drawn lessons from their own experience. And Kashmiris have also learned that we cannot move around in isolation from each other. Our issues are common. Our concerns are common. We have to build bridges. We have to come closer and face these challenges together.

You do not think there will be a fractured mandate this time?

I am hopeful that people have enough wisdom not to fall prey to the current government. The administration is desperate to divide our ranks. I hope that people will understand and unite their ranks. All the secular parties must realise that the challenges are bigger, and those challenges can only be met together.

Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah lost their seats in the Lok Sabha election.
| Photo Credit:
NISSAR AHMAD

In the recent Lok Sabha election, prominent Kashmir leaders, including ex-Chief Ministers Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah, lost their seats. Sajjad Lone also lost in north Kashmir. Does this signal voters’ desire for change? If so, might this trend continue in the Assembly election?

The question is, why are you predicting? Whatever happens, wait for some time, at least wait for two weeks’ time.

Anybody can lose an election. It is not only here but elsewhere as well. But they are drawing lessons too. They know how to act and how not to act. They might be drawing lessons from the Parliamentary election as well. We need effective intervention from the people of Kashmir and Jammu. This is a hard time, a difficult time. We must realise that we can not afford to get divided and remain isolated from each other. Jammu and Kashmir must exercise the right to vote in an effective manner and defeat the designs of those who are helping to divide us and come to domesticate us. That is their goal.

Do you see any ray of hope that Statehood gets restored to Jammu and Kashmir soon?

I am very hopeful. The journey might not be as short as you and I may like. But certainly, I have seen ugly nights, longer nights as well. But then I have also experienced the dawn. As long as there is some light at the end of the tunnel, there is hope.

You have held Kulgam since 1996, but won narrowly last time. With J&K’s special status gone, political dynamics have shifted. How confident are you about keeping your seat?

Despite the narrow margin and the presence of bigger players, I managed to win, thanks to the wisdom of the people of Kulgam. And again, as Kulgam is as wise as the rest of our community, they will decide decisively. I hope I will not be disappointed.

Irfan Amin Malik is a journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir.