This is the first election in a decade where you are not a candidate. How is the response to campaigning for other candidates?

I don’t feel that I am not a candidate. I have to appeal in several constituencies to vote as if I am the candidate. So, I don’t feel I am not contesting. Rather, I was looking forward to take up the organisational responsibility and devote time entirely for it. I am getting a huge response all over and I can sense it.

The lotus (BJP) symbol is missing from the Parli Assembly constituency for the first time in almost four decades. Do you feel sorry?

Of course I feel sad. It is my father’s constituency. I have been here since I was a toddler. For the past five years when I had nothing, the workers remained by my side. Thousands joined me when held a meeting to campaign for Dhananjay [Munde of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), also her cousin]. They felt sad too. But I appealed them to campaign for the clock [NCP] symbol, thinking it is the lotus.

Is your party worker worried about your political future?

Every worker would worry about the future of their leader. My job is to reduce that fear as we don’t know what the future has to offer.

Has the situation changed in Beed district after the Lok Sabha election?

I am campaigning in all seats in the State. But I am sure we will win Parli and all other seats in Beed district.

But just a few months ago, you lost in the Lok Sabha election.

I do not think about the past. I am for the future. I lost by 6,000 votes only despite such a terrible condition. Technically, I won. The situation has changed, yes, and it has changed for the better: to the extent that we will win the State once again.

According to you, what were the reasons of the Lok Sabha debacle?

The biggest reason was a fake narrative. It was about many things, including the Constitution. But it is not working anymore, and people are not going to vote merely to defeat someone. They know that development will take place because of good people. People want a State government that will work under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government.

Do you agree with the new narrative “Batenge to Katenge” [if we are divided, we will be slaughtered] being peddled by your party members in Maharashtra?

Frankly, my politics is different. I won’t support it just because I am of that party. My belief is that we should work on development alone. A leader’s job is to make every living person on this land as our own. Therefore, we need not bring any such topic to Maharashtra.

The leader who said it did so in a different context and in the political situation of that land. The meaning of that is not what we are using in Maharashtra. PM Modi ji has given justice to everyone. He did not see caste or religion when he gave ration, housing, or cylinders to people.

Is the BJP relying on its old strategy of OBC consolidation in this election? The proof of it being you are campaigning all around?

This is not the first time when I am travelling across the State as a star campaigner. My focus has always been developmental policies and issues and to seek votes only on that. In the early days, my father the late Gopinath Munde, the late Pandurang Fundkar, Anna Dange, and others gave a Bahujan face to the party. They made combinations that are needed in politics. Those political changes were positive ones. They brought common people into politics and we are taking forward that legacy. Working for the downtrodden, oppressed classes cannot be termed as a strategy but it is who we are ideologically—that’s our core.

Is the BJP indulging in caste-based campaigning?

That’s not true. It is natural for a leader to campaign in an area where he/she has a large following. Every party does it. That does not mean we are doing caste-based campaigning. I think this is being looked at differently after the Lok Sabha [election].

Is it true that [Deputy Chief Minister] Devendra Fadnavis is not campaigning in Marathwada?

I don’t know who plans his rallies. We have a war room which decides where the rally will be held. Devendra ji follows the same procedure. He addressed a rally in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar and now he will campaign in Nanded. I really have no time to check where he is addressing rallies.

Is falling prices of soya bean becoming a political issue in this election?

It is important to know that certain things depend on the international market. There could be a way out of this where farmers are given certain subsidies if rates fall below the MSP [minimum support price]. It will change the picture.

Do you think that the rebellion in Beed district would harm your chances?

Not only Beed, but across the State. And not only within us, but even the MVA [Maha Vikas Aghadi, the opposition bloc] is facing the same. I don’t belong to Beed alone now. I am an MLC and belong to the entire State. Rebellion is because people are eager to contest. But we have managed to curb most of it.

Do you eye a bigger role in State politics?

I can’t say this now. My seniors will decide my role after the election. Even in the past five years, I never expressed any discontent in my speeches or interviews. It was all a media creation. When people asked me why I was not getting the position, I told them it was a party decision and we have a culture to accept party decisions. We never expressed unhappiness.

How do you view Maharashtra’s current political situation? Your alliance, the Mahayuti, won only 17 seats in the Lok Sabha election, while the MVA secured 31 seats. What has changed in these four months?

The situation has changed drastically, and I say this with conviction. During the parliamentary election, several factors worked against the NDA in Maharashtra. However, since then, various initiatives have transformed the State’s political atmosphere: the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, infrastructure projects, agricultural programmes, electricity subsidies for farmers, and other policy decisions. I’m confident we’ll retain power in Maharashtra.

You are confident about retaining power, but what about the Maratha reservation issue? Earlier, there was talk about Maratha leader Manoj Jarange-Patil withdrawing from the election. How do you assess the situation, particularly in your party’s strongholds of Western Maharashtra and Marathwada?

I prefer not to comment specifically on the Maratha reservation issue or Mr Manoj Jarange-Patil’s political stance. However, I can say that the overall situation has improved significantly across all regions—Vidarbha, Marathwada, Western Maharashtra, North Maharashtra, Konkan, and Mumbai—compared to the parliamentary election.

So you do not expect the Maratha issue to have as severe an impact on the Assembly election as it did in the parliamentary election?

That’s correct. Many developments have occurred since the parliamentary election. In Assembly elections, voters consider both party alignment and each MLA’s development work in their constituency. Under Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s leadership, MLAs from all parties—BJP, NCP, and Shiv Sena—have performed exceptionally well in their constituencies. While there might be some anti-incumbency sentiment, development work generally yields positive electoral results. Furthermore, the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana has garnered support from 60-70 per cent of women across party lines.

You are saying the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana will be a game-changer?

Absolutely, it is a game-changer.

The difference between your alliance and the MVA in the Lok Sabha was just 6,00,000 votes—about 1.5 per cent. You believe this single scheme can overcome that gap?

The political narrative has shifted significantly. During the parliamentary election, the MVA campaign focuSsed on “saving the Constitution” nationwide and in Maharashtra. That narrative has now lost its relevance for the State election. Our recent Jan Samman Yatra with Ajit Pawar has received an overwhelming response across Maharashtra.

I’ve seen this change firsthand—in my own parliamentary constituency, where I won despite unfavourable predictions, the atmosphere is markedly different now. During the parliamentary election, every survey predicted my defeat, yet I won by a margin of 82,000 votes. The political climate has transformed considerably since then.

Let us discuss something that Deputy Chief Ministers Devendra Fadnavis and Ajit Pawar acknowledged: three issues that hurt the Mahayuti during the Lok Sabha election were the prices of cotton, soybean, and onion. Have you successfully addressed these concerns?

Yes, we’ve definitely addressed these issues. The export ban has been lifted, and onion prices have improved significantly for farmers. For soybean, the government’s procurement at minimum support prices is underway. In just four months, the situation has changed—farmers are now busy with their agricultural produce and are satisfied with the State government’s decisions, supported by the Central government. The issues that the MVA previously highlighted have largely subsided.

Turning to another issue: MVA opposition leaders frequently criticise what they call an industrial exodus to Gujarat, claiming major projects are leaving Maharashtra. How do you respond to this criticism?

This is entirely a false narrative created by the MVA. Statistics show Maharashtra leads in industrial investment, including foreign investment and domestic industrial development. Take the B1 port project—it will be the country’s leading port after JNPT [Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust in Nhava Sheva near Mumbai], creating over 1,00,000 direct and indirect jobs. The infrastructure projects undertaken by the Mahayuti government have transformed Maharashtra significantly. Like their “Save Constitution” campaign, this is another baseless narrative when the reality shows continued investment and ongoing projects in Maharashtra.

There is persistent criticism that Mumbai’s importance is being diminished under BJP rule, particularly under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah, given their Gujarat background. How do you respond to this, considering Mumbai’s significant 60 seats (36 in Mumbai city and 24 in the suburbs)?

I completely disagree with that assessment. Look at the infrastructure development in Mumbai over the last two and a half years: the Atal Setu, the Coastal Road, and significant changes across the city. The Metro’s first and second phases, which were stalled during the MVA government, are now operational. How can anyone blame Modi and Shah when the Central government has approved all these projects—the Atal Setu, coastal highway, and Metro? They’ve supported Mumbai’s development. This is just another false narrative.

Talking about politics: your party split from Sharad Pawar, joined the government, and is now in alliance with others. There was talk of contesting 80 seats, but now you are down to around 55. Do you feel shortchanged in this alliance’s seat-sharing arrangement?

In any alliance, seat adjustments are natural. In Mahayuti, the BJP has about 115 seats (105 plus 10 through allies), Shinde’s group has 40 plus their allies, and we have 43 seats with some additional arrangements. There were clear limitations on seat distribution.

So you are comfortable with the reduced number of seats?

I can tell you with confidence that our strike rate will be the highest in Maharashtra. We may be contesting around 55-56 seats, but we’ll make them count.

There are concerns about rebels from Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena opposing your candidates. How do you view this situation?

This affects only one or two constituencies, and some rebels have already withdrawn their candidature. Similar situations exist in both alliances: the MVA has parallel candidates with Sharad Pawar’s and Uddhav Thackeray’s symbols, as well as Congress and Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates. These challenges aren’t unique to us.

During the Lok Sabha election, your alliance faced criticism about vote transfer issues between partners—BJP to NCP, NCP to BJP, and NCP to Shiv Sena. Have you addressed this concern?

Yes, we’ve worked on this extensively over the last four months. After thorough discussions, we’ve made significant improvements. You’ll see a different picture this time.

You are confident about this for the Assembly election, despite having more rebels?

Look, I’ll share my personal experience. I succeeded in getting BJP votes, which was previously considered impossible. While I’ve traditionally relied on Shiv Sena votes, I also managed to secure support through Eknath Shinde’s influence—though not 100 per cent.

The Baramati contest—Pawar versus Pawar—will be a crucial battle. How do you see it playing out?

It will be one-sided. People’s sentiments are clear this time.

What about Pune district?

We’ll perform better than before. We’re contesting in rural areas, including Bhor, where we had a presence when the NCP was united. We expect to improve upon our 2009 performance in the Pune district.

Western Maharashtra has traditionally been your party’s stronghold. How do you see its political landscape evolving?

The situation in Western Maharashtra is very different from the last parliamentary election. Take the example of Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj’s election in Kolhapur.

Can you elaborate on what happened with Shahu Maharaj? He’s currently the MP.

Yes, but consider today’s developments. His daughter-in-law received the official Congress candidature. Look at Satish Patil’s reaction—I’ve known him for 20 years, and I’ve never seen him so disturbed. He wasn’t even informed about the withdrawal of the former Congress official candidate. This shows the internal discord.

So these political manoeuvres will help you in the election?

It’s not about manoeuvres—it’s about the situation itself. The Congress is facing internal conflicts in every constituency. While there are some concerns in Baramati, there are other significant developments, like Harshwardhan Patil joining the NCP, and recent changes in Indapur. These shifts are meaningful.

Out of your [NCP’s] 51 seats, what is your prediction?

We’ll achieve the highest strike rate in the NCP’s history.

Finally, where do you see Mahayuti landing, given you currently have 225 MLAs with a clear majority?

With a clear-cut majority: an absolute majority for the Mahayuti.

What is your narrative or agenda for the upcoming election?

For the coming election, we are making just one promise: the development of Maharashtra. Inclusive development of Maharashtra. Our campaign is based on “pragati” [progress]—development with a human face and an inclusive approach. We have designed our campaign for the coming election with this in mind.

For many years, you fought elections in Mumbai with Uddhav Thackeray as an alliance partner. Although this was not the case in the 2014 Assembly election, you were allied before and after that. Right now, you are not on good terms with Uddhav Thackeray—he’s with the Congress and the NCP (Sharad Pawar). Do you see this as a threat or a big challenge?

Let me be clear. In 2014, Mr Thackeray showed his arrogance, so we fought separately. The result was that BJP crossed 120 seats, while Mr Thackeray’s united party couldn’t even reach half that number. Then in 2017, for the [Brihanmumbai Municipal] Corporation [BMC] election, Mr Thackeray again decided to fight separately out of arrogance. The result was that his united party got 84 seats while BJP alone got 82. So whenever Uddhav ji’s arrogance led him to contest separately, Mumbai showed their confidence in BJP, and we gained in those elections. That’s the record of the past two elections.

What about the Lok Sabha election? In Mumbai’s six constituencies, the MVA won four seats, though with very narrow margins. Your alliance, the NDA Mahayuti in Maharashtra, won only two seats. How do you view these Lok Sabha results? Do you see them as a challenge?

We couldn’t meet our expectations in the Lok Sabha election. There were certain shortcomings and issues that we needed to introspect about, and we did. Now we’re fully prepared to counter all kinds of misleading narratives and campaigns. I believe we’re well-equipped to fight this election against MVA and win. While they won four seats and we won two, the total vote count in Mumbai city shows we’re ahead by 2 lakh votes compared to MVA. We’re not satisfied with this—we wanted more seats. But as far as votes are concerned, we have the mandate.

We faced setbacks due to appeasement politics in the Lok Sabha election. For instance, in a Lok Sabha constituency with six Assembly segments, we lead in five, but our opponents get ahead in one or two segments where particular voter groups are concentrated. This is what we call vote jehad.

You are referring to vote jehad, which the Election Commission of India has strictly warned your party not to mention. Yet you continue to use the term.

From what I understand, the Election Commission said they would look into it. If any order comes, we will follow it.

So when you say vote jehad, you are specifically indicating that Muslims in Mumbai and Maharashtra tactically voted against you in favour of MVA. Are you suggesting that Muslims voting for MVA is somehow illegal?

The question isn’t about legality. Let me give you an example: if a party designs its programme to appease one class of voters, creates its manifesto to appease that same class, and campaigns on issues that appeal to just that class, that’s problematic. In a democracy, if a party only thinks about one class, religion, or sect of people and practices appeasement politics, that’s not welcome. That’s our argument.

So you are saying your push of this “vote jehad” campaign, this polarisation campaign, is going to correct your course in the Assembly election?

I haven’t said that. We’ve done introspection on many issues. I cited an example of how we should have handled the “400 seats” slogan differently. There are many factors, and appeasement politics is just one of them.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently inaugurated the Atal Setu and Aqua [Metro] Line in Mumbai. Your government, both at the State and Central levels, has announced multiple mega projects for Mumbai and its suburban region. Do you think this will impact voters? Do they see this as important for Mumbai’s development?

We certainly need to communicate it better. But when these projects are completed and people use them, they realise this is what we’ve needed for many years. When you can reach Panvel quickly or get to Andheri and further to Dahisar by Metro in limited time—when you use these facilities, you realise what you’ve been deprived of. That’s why development is our agenda, and we’ll continue with it.

So, you are saying the earlier governments completely deprived Mumbai of development?

Especially under Uddhav’s leadership.

But Uddhav Thackeray was your ally then?

The issue is that he and his party colleagues were leading the Corporation. He headed the standing committee, which makes all financial decisions. In the last 25 years, we were never given the opportunity to become Mayor or standing committee chairman.

But you were part of the standing committee. You raised issues yourself.

Yes, we stopped them from giving a one-rupee lease to a builder for Crawford Market. We stopped their mismanagement of the SAP e-model system. Our colleague Gopal Shetty fought for water treatment issues. We fought for land management and the protection of open spaces. I can cite many examples of how we fought for Mumbai’s citizens.

But Uddhav ji always showed arrogance, especially when he used the slogan “Karun Dakhvla” [We’ve done it]. What exactly has been done in these 25 years?

“Karun Dakhvla” was Uddhav Thackeray’s campaign slogan in 2017 and earlier. It seems the BJP’s full-throttle attack in Maharashtra and Mumbai is focussed on Uddhav Thackeray. Is he the central target of your criticism?

We’re not against individuals; we’re focussed on issues. We question Mr Thackeray because he was Chief Minister and led the most profitable municipal corporation in the country. The BMC had reserves of Rs.60,000 crore. In any market, if you show Rs.10,000 crore, you can grow it tenfold with others’ investment. Mumbaikars were ready to pay taxes, you had the money, but what stopped you? There was no vision.

They didn’t utilise those deposits?

Look, if you have Rs.10,000 crores, you can attract Rs.1 lakh crore in investment. And Mumbaikars are honest taxpayers, whether it’s road tax or water tax.

The MVA’s main campaign narrative is that if the BJP returns to power in Maharashtra, Mumbai will become weaker compared with Ahmedabad and Gujarat. They keep drawing this comparison, pointing to the Prime Minister’s Gujarat connection.

They tried this in 2017 too. What was the result? People clearly said they won’t be fooled by such sentimental or false talks.

So Marathi subnationalism is not an issue in Mumbai?

I never said that. These emotional appeals about Marathi manoos [people] are an issue—I’m not denying that. I’m saying false propaganda for votes hasn’t worked. We care about Marathi manoos. We’ve implemented housing schemes, and Mr Fadnavis has said that housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana should be given to those in Dharavi, even if they’re technically ineligible. Why? Because they should remain in Mumbai. During Uddhav Thackeray’s 25-year tenure, many had to leave Mumbai—he needs to answer for that.

You mentioned Dharavi, which will be a contentious election issue. The Congress and the Shiv Sena (UBT) are targeting the BJP, saying Dharavi has been handed over to one particular industrialist who, along with the State government, is exploiting Mumbai’s real estate. Your response?

I ask them: Who drafted the tender? Who gave the concessions? Who set the TDR [Transferable Development Rights] rates? All this was done when Mr Thackeray was Chief Minister. In the Dharavi redevelopment, even those considered ineligible are getting houses in Mumbai itself. My mill workers haven’t gotten houses in Mumbai. Those who are eligible for rehabilitation housing by paying a certain amount are getting houses in Dharavi itself. The project involves developing 200 acres, with larger houses and more beneficiaries. This urban renewal scheme will transform the area, and we haven’t collected a single rupee yet, though we could collect multiple crores.

So the basic objection to the Dharavi project is about giving land in various parts of Mumbai?

I share the opinion that Mulund and other such areas shouldn’t be given away. But since some of this land was a dumping ground that’s been reclaimed for rehousing people, what’s wrong with that?

This is significant because you are the first BJP leader I have heard saying on record that you also believe lands in Mulund and other parts should not be given for Dharavi development.

Yes, Mulund shouldn’t be given. But regarding Deonar, if that land, which unfortunately became a dumping ground, can be cleaned and developed for housing, that’s good. Let me explain the density equation in Dharavi: Out of 200 acres, 35 per cent will go for infrastructure development—roads, recreation grounds, and other facilities. Of the remaining 65 per cent, 37 acres is Maharashtra Nature Park. So we have approximately 150 acres where we’ll rehabilitate those eligible from before 2000, which is legally correct. We’re also rehabilitating those from 2000 to 2011. Though the policy doesn’t require in situ rehabilitation, we’re still doing it.

The land hasn’t been given to Adani—I’ve challenged Aaditya Thackeray to show me one document proving it has. It will be given to DRP [Dharavi Redevelopment Project], a State government company. Yes, Adani has an 80 per cent stake in DRPPL [Dharavi Redevelopment Project Private Limited], and the government will get 20 per cent of profits. The government retains land ownership and will receive rental income. What’s the problem if urban renewal is happening while maintaining government ownership and income? The Thackerays are just bothered by Adani’s name, while our concern is rehabilitating the poor.

Let me ask you this political question: by defending the Dharavi project, BJP is being seen as defending…

Let me make two points. First, what about Mr Thackeray defending corrupt contractors in the BMC for years, with that officer Sachin appointed to collect bribes from them? Second, look at the court order about that project near Pune—Lavasa. Can anyone say we’re advocating for some contractor? If a bidder wins fairly, fine. If not, go to court. I could say Uddhav Thackeray and his MVA are pushing for some other bidder—that’s why they’re opposing Adani. For me, Adani isn’t the issue. Every rehabilitation project involves development because it’s a PPP model.

So looking at the upcoming election: in Mumbai’s scenario, there are 36 seats, an important chunk where BJP and its alliance are targeting big gains. Where do you see the numbers landing?

I can’t give specific numbers, but it will be difficult for MVA to reach double digits in Mumbai. Given the current candidates, this is very clear.

And how do you see Maharashtra overall?

Frankly, the situation has changed dramatically from 4-5 months ago. Earlier, we were answering MVA’s questions. Now they’re just opposing our schemes and the people’s interests. They’re not united—there’s confusion, with press conferences happening where the Congress isn’t present, making it only a two-party alliance. There’s no agenda, just infighting. Uddhav Thackeray keeps asking who’s the chief ministerial face—we don’t have that confusion in Mahayuti.

But there are differences in Mahayuti too. BJP workers are pushing for Devendra Fadnavis, while Amit Shah has said Eknath Shinde is your face for the election.

The difference is that none of our leaders are making demands about the position of Chief Minister. Yes, some followers might want their leader as Chief Minister, that’s natural. But it’s not part of our alliance’s agenda.

What about the differences within your alliance regarding Nawab Malik’s candidature? Your party has repeatedly said it will support the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) candidate in that constituency.

Let me be frank: Mr Ajit Pawar’s party has to decide about Nawab Malik’s candidature. Our position has been clear from day one, even when he was in opposition and when Ajit Pawar joined our alliance. We made it clear we would not support his candidate.

But you are still in alliance with Ajit Pawar?

Yes, but we won’t take responsibility if he does something wrong.