Early one morning, a group of workers in Mirhama village of South Kashmir’s Kulgam district, wearing white skullcaps gathered outside the polling station to monitor the election process. The workers belonged to the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), a socio-religious organisation, and had arrived to ensure that the voter base of Jamaat-backed candidate remained intact. 

Just a few steps away were the party workers of Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) leader Mohamad Yousuf Tarigami, who seems to be little unnerved with the presence of Jamaat workers, his old rivals. “These weren’t the scenes in past elections,” said a CPI (M) worker.

Since 1996, the Kulgam district has become the Left’s only political bastion in Jammu and Kashmir; the CPI (M) leader was sent to the erstwhile State’s Legislative Assembly for four consecutive terms: in 1996, 2002, 2008, and 2014. However, with the resurgence of the outlawed outfit, the leftist leader is facing a significant challenge. Like other districts, Kulgam has become one of Kashmir’s most contested place in the election.

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On September 18, Kashmir voted in the first phase. The voters said it had been an easy win for Tarigami until Jamaat-backed independent candidate Sayyar Ahmad Reshi entered the contest.

Holding The Fort 

Born in Tarigami village of Kulgam district in 1949, the communist leader comes from a humble background. His father was a farmer. He started his political career in 1967, when he was still in college, by advocating for farmers’ rights. He and his friends stood up to the forcible procurement of rice in the region. 

Tarigami was a wannabe Marxist in Kashmir’s urban circles in the 70s. During that Soviet era, he supposedly rubbed shoulders with leftists of Srinagar and got some prominence. But when a blast rattled the Marxist circle in India Coffee House in the late 80s, Tarigami and his comrades faced the heat of the gun. He lost some of his compatriots and went into political hibernation. By 1996, Tarigami, much like the “independents” of contemporary Kashmir, decided to end the political void created by insurgency. 

His Marxist background and patronage from Delhi—which then had a substantial Left presence—worked in his favour. JeI’s fatwa—declaring elections under India rule haram—favoured the comrade’s chances. In the subsequent elections in 2002, 2008, 2014‚ in the supposed JeI citadel, Tarigami thrived on boycott and least resistance from his political opponents. 

What also worked in his favour was the fact that Kashmir’s grand old party—National Conference—hardly fielded any mass leader against him. Even in this election, they dropped their candidate Imran Nabi Dar, providing space to Tarigami once again.

In his home town, he was very vocal about the issues students faced during the time and eventually raised his voice against the State and its policies. He was detained several times by the State and was booked under detention laws. At the same time, he survived deadly attacks from militant groups a couple of times. In 2009, he survived a suicide attack in in Tulsibagh in Srinagar. 

Jamaat’s oldest turf was Kulgam district until it decided not to contest elections after 1987, giving a safe passage for other parties. In 1987, Jamaat was part of the Muslim United Front (MUF)— a conglomerate of several parties, who were apparently winning. However, the election results were widely believed to have been rigged, allowing the National Conference, led by Farooq Abdullah, to form the government despite allegations that the MUF had garnered substantial public support. This rigging is often cited as a key turning point in Kashmir’s political history, contributing to widespread disenchantment and the subsequent rise of militancy. 

Many MUF candidates crossed the Line of Control (LoC) to Pakistan and received armed training, thus starting the deadly insurgency that claimed thousands of lives. Since the 90’s, hundreds of political workers have been killed and kidnapped by militants. Interestingly, the Jamaat-backed candidate Abdul Razak Mir (Bachru) was one among the four successful MUF candidates. He fought from the Kulgam seat. “So, you can understand that despite the rigging, Mir won, because Jamaat had a strong base in Kulgam,” said a political analyst from South Kashmir, wishing not to be named. 

Kashmir was engulfed in turmoil, with militancy at its peak, making political activities anything but easy. At the same time, Jamaat also had to face the wrath from the State—thus their presence was diminished. 

Taking advantage of the situation, Tarigami decided to contest the first Assembly election from the Jamaat bastion, and he won. Without propagating Leftist ideology, Tarigami spoke about the issues that resonated with the public. “That is what made him popular. He spoke about local issues and worked for infrastructure development of his area,” said the political analyst. 

Despite threats and challenges, Tarigami kept the CPI(M) flag alive in the Muslim-majority region, becoming an increasingly prominent figure in electoral politics. His “people-friendly politics” and commitment to his constituents allowed him to maintain a foothold in an area dominated by religious and political rivals, solidifying his reputation as a resilient leader despite the volatile political landscape in Kashmir. In 2020, CPI (M) won five of the six seats in the District Development Council election in Kashmir. 

Resurgence of old rivals

However, with the abrogation of Article 370, the entire political scenario got changed. New Delhi launched a massive crackdown on political leaders, who were detained under preventive laws for months in Srinagar. Tarigami, became a prominent figure in the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD). PAGD, now defunct, was an electoral alliance between the several regional political parties in Jammu and Kashmir. The alliance sought the restoration of Article 370. 

Tarigami held the position of spokesperson for the alliance. However, he along with dozens of pro-Indian political leaders were detained. Shortly before that, the Ministry of Home Affairs banned JeI under the provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) shortly after the Pulwama terror attack. A number of its leaders and workers were arrested and lodged in different jails across the country and in Jammu and Kashmir. 

However, in May this year, the outfit decided to participate in the Lok Sabha election and many of its top leaders were seen waiting in queue outside polling stations to cast their votes. The decision to participate in the electoral process, after three decades, was taken by a five-member panel formed by the top Jamaat leaders. “The changing political scenario, post revocation of the special status made us believe we needed to participate and in fact contest elections,” Ghulam Qadir Wani, a member of the panel, told Frontline earlier. 

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According to JeI sources, they had several rounds of talks with New Delhi and expected the ban will be revoked ahead of the election. However, on 25 August, a tribunal court in New Delhi extended the ban for five more years, prompting JeI to contest the election independently. Jamaat held its first major rally in Kulgam district in which top Jamaat leaders participated. “There was a massive response to the rally,” said Sayar Ahmad Reshi, a JeI backed candidate. The return of Jamaat in the district posed a stiff challenge to the leftist leader. And the anti-incumbency sentiment loomed large in the area. “Tarigami has been representing the constituency for the last 24 years. It is time for a change. People want a new face now,” said Saqib Padder, a youth from Kulgam. 

Another factor that caused significant concern for Tarigami was the 2022 delimitation process, which redrew the boundaries of many CPI(M) stronghold villages in the Kulgam constituency, merging them with neighbouring constituencies. Also, his two confidantes, Engineer Mohammad Aqib and Muhammad Amin Dar, parted ways from him. While Aqib contested on the Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party’s ticket, Dar contested on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket. Tarigami, however, asserts that the only challenge for him is the “patronage” JeI enjoys from the “BJP government”. 

Amidst the ongoing allegations and counter-allegations, all eyes are on October 8, when the election results will be announced. It remains to be seen whether the veteran comrade will hold onto his stronghold or if Kulgam will witness the emergence of a new face.

Auqib Javeed is an independent journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir. He reports on human rights, politics, and the environment.