When Tamil filmstar “Thalapathy” Vijay, or General Vijay as his fans fondly call him, stepped on to the podium on October 27 to deliver a 45-minute speech, he was greeted by roars and applause in a charged and theatrical event that opened yet another exciting chapter in a State where politics and cinema have been conjoined twins since the 1950s.

The occasion was the maiden political conference of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), the political party launched in February this year by the 50-year-old megastar. The venue was Vikravandi, a small town some 150 km south of Chennai, in Villupuram district.

The event had all the trappings of the star’s multi-crore blockbuster films, including a thundering monologue in which he promised to write an epitaph to the nearly six-decade-long rule of the two Dravidian parties as well as eliminate any pretenders to the throne.

Ideological contradictions

While the cannily choreographed event held his fans in thrall, the script was a bit confused, as some analysts pointed out. In his ambitious pursuit to appropriate two phrases/concepts currently in political circulation—“Dravidam” or Dravidian ideology and “Tamil nationalism”—Vijay seemed to have fallen into a web of ideological contradictions. Given his popularity, he definitely has one foot in the door of Tamil Nadu politics, but gaining a firm footing in the State’s complex landscape will take some doing.

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Vijay’s speech invoked “Periyar” E.V. Ramasamy, Dr B.R. Ambedkar, Congress leader and former Chief Minister Kamaraj, and freedom fighters Velu Nachiyar and Anjalai Ammal, as ideological mentors, leaving his fans convinced that the star’s performance in politics would make as much impact with the masses as his superhit films. But hardnosed pundits were less easily swayed. The truth lies somewhere in between. While it is undeniable that Vijay has created a mass political impact, his venture’s ideological underpinnings seem to be riddled with severe contradictions.

For instance, Vijay claimed that “Dravidam” and “Tamil nationalism” were the two eyes of his party, but this betrays a lack of understanding of the oxymoronic nature of such a combination. Dravidam, unlike Tamil nationalism, is an inclusive ideology that does not discriminate on the basis of language. In fact, the film director-turned-politician S. Seeman pitches Tamil nationalism against Dravidam as the credo of Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), the party he launched in 2010, which has found resonance among a section of youngsters in the State.

Vijay also made a statement on rationalism and atheism, which brought back memories of “Annaism”, a term that matinee idol M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) coined after he launched the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in 1972. (It was in reference to his mentor and former Chief Minister, C.N. Annadurai’s political philosophy.) Vijay said that while he accepted Periyar as his ideological mentor, he disowned Periyar’s atheism. He then went on to state: “We will follow Anna’s principle of ‘Onre kulam, oruvane devan’ (‘One community, one god’).”

He said that for him, both Periyar and Ambedkar were on the same page. Yet, both Periyar and Ambedkar spoke strongly against any form of religion that sanctifies caste. Vijay denounced birth-based hierarchies, which is the basis of “varnashrama dharma”. He quoted Tamil poet Thiruvalluvar’s words, “Pirapokkum ella uyirkkum” (all are equal by birth), but accepted on that very stage a copy of the Bhagavad Gita, which upholds the principles of “varnashrama dharma”.

Targeting DMK

In his speech, the star-turned-politician declared that that the right-wing with its divisive agenda was his ideological enemy, and corrupt forces his political enemy. Although he consciously avoided naming any political party, he indirectly targeted the “corrupt Dravidian model of governance” of one family and took a strong stand against the ruling party by claiming that he would bring “genuine” social justice to the State.

Vijay’s attempt to expose the alleged duplicity of certain political parties who brand their opponents as being “fascist” when they themselves are guilty of displaying fascist tendencies also drew flak, as some wondered whether his mocking tone betrayed his lack of understanding of what the term actually means.

While he targeted right-wing majoritarianism, he made only mild references to contentious issues such as the Governor’s chair, NEET, and the caste census. The strong critical reaction to what was widely perceived as Vijay’s “soft” censure of the BJP government at the Centre soon forced the TVK to resort to some damage control. Within days of the Vikravandi speech, an executive committee meeting was convened in which the party passed a few more resolutions against the Central government, including those against the “One nation, one election” plank and the three-language formula.

On the day of the event, the biggest surprise came at the very end of Vijay’s speech when he announced, almost as an afterthought, that all political outfits were welcome to join him in his fight against the “corrupt Dravidian family politics” and that, if elected, he would offer them a “share in power”.

The State’s political parties, especially the DMK’s allies, to whom the “offer” was ostensibly made, reacted cautiously. Except for two Dalit outfits—Puthiya Thamizhagam and Puratchi Bharatham, which are not in the DMK alliance—no other party has shown interest in the offer so far, although it has created a buzz in the State.

Two-fold agenda

Vijay’s agenda is twofold: break the DMK alliance and prevent the AIADMK from forming one. Political watchers believe that the offer of a share in power is an attempt to weaken the DMK’s alliance, which has remained intact since the 2019 Assembly election, largely to the DMK’s benefit. Vijay clearly sees Thol. Thirumavalavan’s Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as the weakest link in the alliance, for which he cannot be faulted.

Of late, there have been differences of opinion within the VCK, with second-rung leaders openly discussing power sharing, Ministerial berths, and even the Deputy Chief Minister post. But these demands are not new; Thirumavalavan has often said that the party would stake its claim at the opportune time.

After Vijay’s speech, one of VCK’s deputy general secretaries, Aadhav Arjuna, posted his views on the social media platform X, which created embarrassment for both the DMK and the VCK.

Arjuna, a former DMK sympathiser, tweeted that Vijay had scripted a new chapter in State politics by offering to share power. What Vijay and Arjuna fail to understand, say experts, is that in the first-past-the-post electoral system, power sharing is generally a post-election exercise.

VCK dilemma

For some time now, the VCK leadership has been under enormous pressure from a few small but persistent Dalit groups to exit the DMK alliance. These groups, active in social media, are averse to what they call the “patronage politics” and “big brother” attitude of the Dravidian majors, especially the DMK.

But VCK general secretary D. Ravikumar told Frontline that Thirumavalavan had repeatedly clarified the party’s stand on power sharing. He said: “These rumours are constantly peddled by those trying to break the alliance. The actor is hesitant to even name the BJP, which he declares as his ideological enemy, but attacks the DMK and its allies who fight fascist forces. What sort of politics is he taking up?”

While the confusing signals emanating from the VCK might be the reason for Vijay’s overture, it is no exaggeration to say that his offer has slightly dented the armour of the alliance. The uneasiness is palpable; both the DMK and the AIADMK have to tread cautiously, since both suffered some erosion in their vote share in the recent Lok Sabha election.

The other DMK allies face no such predicament. Durai Vaiko, principal secretary of the Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), an ally in the DMK alliance, dismissed Vijay’s accusations against the DMK as “unnecessary”. The Congress said that it would “wait and watch”. The Left and other allies refused to be drawn into any controversy that might upset the alliance. Interestingly, the AIADMK has also remained non-committal after Vijay’s arrival.

A senior DMK spokesperson said that the party’s allies had decided to revisit confidence-building strategies. Their leaders met DMK president and Chief Minister M.K. Stalin to reassure and reiterate their commitment. A party source said that Stalin asked his party leaders and cadres to not “react impulsively”.

Excitement in electorate

While actors such as Kamal Haasan engage in part-time politics, Vijay’s full-time plunge into an arena where the DMK and AIADMK are entrenched, enjoying a combined 60-65 per cent of the vote share, has whipped up excitement among the electorate and raised curiosity.

During the conference, Vijay said: “At the peak of my career, I am forsaking it for the welfare of my people. A few questions have been nagging me for some time now. What have I done to those people who have made me what I am today? How can I pay them back? And this is it.” He also promised “a corruption-free, secular, and social justice government”.

Any attempt to create a third front as an alternative to the two Dravidian majors does not hold promise, going by past experience. In 2016, the Makkal Nala Kootani was a flop. But Vijay’s confidence might stem from the fact that he presumes that a space has opened up for a third party after the demise of two tall leaders on both sides of the Dravidian flank, M. Karunanidhi and Jayalalithaa.

“It is premature to discuss a political strategy as the next election is more than a year away,” said Prof. G. Palanithurai, former Professor of the Rajiv Gandhi Chair for Panchayati Raj Studies at the Gandhigram Rural Institute.

Possible impact

Speaking to Frontline, he said that Vijay could mainly play spoilsport for now. “Although there is a general disenchantment among certain sections against the parties that had ruled and are ruling, how he is going to perform remains to be seen. Vijay’s entry will escalate the value of votes in today’s market-driven politics,” he said.

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Dravidian politics and Tamil cinema have always had a symbiotic relationship. From the DMK’s founders Annadurai and Karunanidhi to the actors MGR and Jayalalithaa, and later Vijaykanth and Kamal Haasan, not to mention Rajnikanth’s occasional cryptic signals, there is very little politics without cinema in Tamil Nadu. Vijay’s entry ensures that continuity.

At this time, Vijay’s major catchment areas are clearly marked: first-time voters, Dalit and Vanniyar youth, and his fan clubs, which his father and director S.A. Chandrasekhar studiously cultivated since 2009 and which are a dedicated source of supply of cadres. The fact that Dalit and Vanniyar youths are among his ardent fans will cause major worries to the VCK, the Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK), and the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK). Vijay is also likely to trigger a major erosion in the NTK.

The major takeaway from Vijay’s maiden speech is that his ambition is possibly to reconstruct the Dravidian political fortress from within its precincts. It is a challenging feat that will require staying power and a more sharply delineated ideological stance.