Jharkhand is heading for a polarised Assembly election, with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) raising the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration and vowing to implement the Uniform Civil Code (UCC), and the ruling Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) banking on its tribal leadership and its demand for a separate code for the Sarna tribal religion to gain victory.

Releasing the BJP’s manifesto on November 3 in Ranchi, Union Home Minister Amit Shah promised to “identify and deport” every infiltrator and take back the “land they usurped” from the tribal people. Shah also said that the tribal communities would be kept out of the ambit of the UCC, and announced that it would be implemented adopting the Uttarakhand model.

On this part, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said at an election rally in Chaibasa in Kolhan division on November 4, “They are snatching your bread, they are taking away your daughters and they are also usurping your land (ye aapki roti cheen rahe hain, aapki beti bhi chcheeni rahe hain aur ye aapki maati ko bhi hadap rahe hain). It drew a sharp reaction from the Congress and the Trinamool Congress, who called it a new low after Modi’s remarks in Rajasthan and Gujarat during the Lok Sabha election about the Opposition “stealing away the Mangalsutra” and “stealing away buffaloes” from the people.

Also Read | Back as Chief Minister, Hemant Soren aims to ride sympathy wave in Jharkhand Assembly election

This was a scale-up of the BJP’s ongoing campaign in the Santhal Pargana region, which claimed that Muslims from Bangladesh were marrying tribal women and changing the demography.

Shah attributed the alleged decline in the tribal population in Jharkhand to this reason and promised to put an end to it as the BJP government did in Assam, where the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was implemented in 2018-2019.

In both Assam and Uttarakhand, the BJP has drawn flak for undermining the Muslim population but has retained power in a polarised atmosphere.

Rattled at the BJP’s attempt to create a rupture in the tribal-Muslim alliance assiduously built by the INDIA coalition in the State, Chief Minister Hemant Soren asserted that neither the UCC nor the NRC will be allowed in Jharkhand. He also said that his government would rely solely on the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act (CNT) and the Santhal Pargana Act (SPT), the laws in force in the State, to protect the land ownership rights of the tribal people.

The JMM also upped the ante by promising to include the Sarna tribal religion (centred around the worship of nature) in the national census and implement a Sarna Code to govern tribal people. Four years ago, in 2020, the Jharkhand Assembly passed a resolution in its favour. Months ago when the Lok Sabha election was held, the BJP was cornered over the issue of the Sarna Code and lost all five seats reserved for the tribal communities.

With or without an alliance

In the NDA, while the BJP is contesting the majority of seats—68 out of 81—the lead alliance partner in the INDIA bloc, the JMM, is contesting only 43 seats. The Congress is contesting 30 Assembly seats as a part of the alliance and there are apprehensions that it might be the weak link, like in the 2022 Uttar Pradesh and 2020 Bihar Assembly elections.

While both the BJP and the JMM have a strong cadre base in the State, the former is also aided by the RSS. The other parties are mostly oriented around their leaders in the respective regions. But the Congress is confident of a good show. Party leader Alok Dubey said there is renewed confidence that the INDIA bloc will form the government once again.

After a strategy meeting of the party, Dubey said, “We took stock of our election preparations and various management activities for the final stretch of the campaign. We discussed ways to put our strategy into motion, from the Central and State level all the way to each booth. Our alliance is mounting a formidable campaign and we are in a strong position to form the government once again and continue the welfare and growth of Jharkhand for another five-year term.” However, Jharkhand has never re-elected an incumbent government in the past 24 years since the State was carved out from Bihar in 2000.

Of the five divisions—Kolhan, Santhal Pargana, North Chota Nagpur, South Chota Nagpur and Palamu—BJP was ahead in 2019 in only two—North Chota Nagpur and Palamu. Out of 25 seats in North Chota Nagpur, the BJP alone had won 10. It also won five out of nine assembly seats in Palamu division. Of the 14 seats in Kolhan, the BJP won none while it secured only 4 out of 18 seats in Santhal Pargana.

Out of the 15 Assembly seats in South Chota Nagpur, 11 are reserved for tribal candidates. Two of the 28 tribal reserved seats that the BJP won in 2019 were from this region. In total, the BJP got five seats in South Chota Nagpur and JMM-Congress eight. One was won by the All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) and one by the Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik) [JVM(P)].

While in Kolhan the BJP is banking on three former tribal Chief Ministers—Champai Soren, Arjun Munda and Madhu Koda—for its revival, it hopes that polarisation will work in Santhal Pargana and that the alliance with AJSU in both divisions of Chota Nagpur. Playing safe, the BJP has fielded current MLAs and former MPs in the region.

As the BJP made a desperate bid to score over the JMM in tribal politics, one was witness to the spectacle of the tribal politician Mandal Murmu—one of the proposers of Hemant Soren’s nomination and a descendant of Sido-Kanhu (Sido Murmu and Kanhu Murmu) who led the 1855 iconic Santhal protest against the British and the zamindari system—joining the BJP on November 4.

Hemant Soren is contesting from Barhait in the Santhal Pargana region, where the JMM is in a relatively strong position. Despite the BJP’s focus on issues like Bangladeshi infiltrators and with Sita Soren, the Chief Minister’s sister-in-law, leaving the JMM and joining the saffron party in March (she is now contesting from the Jamtara seat), the JMM remains resilient.

Kolhan will be crucial

The 14 Assembly seats in the Kolhan region could decide the winner in the election. The BJP, which scored a duck there in the 2019 election, has now deployed all its machinery to change the outcome. It has fielded former Chief Minister Arjun Munda’s wife Meera Munda from Potka in East Singhbhum distirict, former JMM leader and former Chief Minister Champai Soren from Saraikela, and former Chief Minister Madhu Koda’s wife Gita Koda from Jagannathpur in West Singhbhum. All these candidates are from tribal communities. Champai Soren, who left the JMM and joined the BJP in August, is a prize catch for the party. He is called ‘Kolhan Tiger’ and the JMM is trying to prove hard that the tiger is toothless.

Other key seats in Kolhan are East Jamshedpur from where the BJP has fielded Purnima Sahu, the daughter in-law of former Chief Minister Raghubar Das, who was the only Jharkhand Chief Minister to have completed a full five-year term (2014 and 2019). Sahu is contesting against former Jharkhand Congress chief Ajoy Kumar, who as an IPS officer had served as Jamshedpur SP in the past.

The BJP lost the 2019 Assembly election in Jharkhand under the leadership of Das, an OBC candidate. Das himself lost to party rebel Saryu Rai, known once as the “Chanakya” of Jharkhand politics and who is now back in the NDA as the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] candidate from Jamshedpur West.

Rai earlier contested from this seat for the BJP but, after his revolt, he shifted to Jamshedpur East in 2019 and defeated sitting Chief Minister Das.

While the JMM, which had won 11 of the 14 seats in Kolhan in the last Assembly election, has fielded 9 of its sitting MLAs, the BJP has changed candidates in 10 seats. That reveals the state of mind of both the parties in the region.

Some of the Kolhan battles are interesting. Champai Soren had won the Saraikela seat for the JMM in 2019 against the BJP’s Ganesh Mahali. With Champai joining the BJP, the JMM has inducted Mahali and fielded him against the former Chief Minister from the seat.

Feedback from the ground suggests that while it could be smooth sailing for Champai Soren in Saraikela, his son Babulal Soren might find the going tough in Ghatshila. Addressing a rally in Ghatshila on November 5, Hemant Soren’s wife and candidate from Gandey Kalpana Soren cautioned against the BJP’s “money power” but asserted that only the bow-and-arrow symbol of the JMM would work there. JMM Minister Ramdas Soren is pitted against the newbie.

Gita Koda, who is contesting from Jagannathpur, and Meera Munda, the wife of former Chief Minister Arjun Munda, who is being fielded from Potka, are also strong candidates of the BJP.

Both Chief Minister Hemant Soren from Barhait in Santhal Pargana and Kalpana Soren in Gandey of North Chota Nagpur are well placed on the other side. The Gandey seat had fallen vacant after the resignation of Sarfaraz Ahmad this year and was won by Kalpana Soren in a byelection.

Hemant Soren’s brother Basant Soren’s advantage in the Dumka Assembly seat is that it has traditionally been a JMM seat. The seat has been represented by Hemant Soren umpteen times, including in 2019 when he won both the Dumka and Barhait seats. After he chose to resign from Dumka, Basant Soren won the seat in a byelection in 2020. The BJP’s Lois Marandi, who lost the seat to the JMM both times, has now joined the JMM.

Three-term MLA Sita Soren, the eldest daughter-in-law of Shibu Soren, who lost the Lok Sabha election from Dumka on a BJP ticket after joining the party in March, is also breathing easy in the Jamtara seat. Chances of a win for Purnima Das will depend a lot on the role played by JD(U) leader Saryu Rai.

BJP state president Babulal Marandi, contesting from Dhanwar, might find the going much easier in his traditional seat as both the JMM and the Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist (CPI-ML) have opted for a friendly contest fielding separate candidates there. In the BJP stronghold of Ranchi, the State capital, the JMM is making a last-ditch attempt to win by fielding its Rajya Sabha MP Mahua Majhi against six-term MLA C.P. Singh. In the last Assembly election, Singh defeated Majhi by a margin of a little over 5,000 votes. The BJP has traditionally been strong in the urban seats in Jharkhand.

Former Union Minister Rameshwar Oraon is contesting from Lohardaga on a Congress ticket. He had defeated the BJP’s Sukhdev Bhagat in the 2019 Assembly election. The number of votes he got in this tribal seat was more than the combined votes of the BJP and AJSU, which fought separately.

In Bokaro, also called the Steel City, two-term sitting BJP MLA Biranchi Narayan (BJP) will once again face Sweta Singh (Congress). Singh is the daughter-in-law of former BJP veteran Samresh Singh, who is said to have given the lotus symbol to the BJP.

In the coal belt of Dhanbad, the BJP MLA for the last two terms, Raj Sinha, will face Ajay Dubey of the Congress, who had lost the 2014 Lok Sabha election from the seat to the BJP’s P. N. Singh.

It’s all relative

But the more interesting battle is in the coal belt in Jharia where the warring factions of Singh Mansion (residence of the family of former MLA and coal mafia leader late Suryadeo Singh) of Dhanbad, which used to call the shots, are battling it out.

Here the contest is between the sitting MLA from the Congress Purnima Neeraj Singh—wife of former deputy mayor of Dhanbad late Neeraj Singh—and BJP’s Ragini Singh, wife of former BJP MLA Sanjeev Singh. Neeraj was murdered in 2017 and Sanjeev Singh, his cousin, was arrested in the case. The clash between the two sisters-in-law also happened in 2019. Purnima Singh had then won against Ragini Singh. Clearly, the sympathy factor worked for Purnima Singh in the 2019 Assembly election after her husband’s killing, as Sanjeev Singh, who had won the seat in 2014, was arrested.

Alliance is key to power in Jharkhand. In 2014 when the JMM and the Congress fought separately, they could win only 25 seats but after forming the alliance in 2019, their tally rose to 47. The BJP learnt it the hard way in 2019 when it did not ally with the AJSU and could win only 25 seats—a substantial decline from the 42 it had bagged in alliance with that party in 2014.

This time, both sides have strong alliances. While the BJP-AJSU has added JD(U) and Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) to its grouping, the JMM-Congress also has the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Left parties in the INDIA bloc. With Babulal Marandi back in the BJP as its State chief, his party JVM(P)’s six per cent vote share may also add to the NDA’s numbers.

The new kid on the block

The emergence of the Jairam Mahato-led Jharkhand Loktantrik Krantikari Morcha surprised many people with its vote share in a number of Lok Sabha seats in the last general election. Mahato belongs to the same Kudmi-Kurmi caste that is the support base of the AJSU. His politics of “locals versus outsiders”, a pale remnant of the “diku (outsider) versus native” politics during the Jharkhand movement, could disrupt the existing course and discourse of political alignments in the State.

Mahato himself had secured 3.47 lakh votes when he contested from the Giridih Lok Sabha seat. This time, he is contesting from the Dumri Assembly seat and many people are sure that he will win.

The Kurmis, accounting for nearly 14 per cent of the votes, can tilt the balance in over 30 of the 81 Assembly seats in Jharkhand, particularly in the districts of Ranchi, Dhanbad, Hazaribagh, Jamshedpur and Giridih.

Also Read | Jharkhand: Defeat in all Lok Sabha seats reserved for Scheduled Tribes could hurt BJP in Assembly elections

Tribal people account for 26.21 per cent of Jharkhand’s population and have 28 seats reserved for them. The JMM had won 19 of them, the Congress 6, the BJP 2 and Marandi’s JVM(P) 1. Despite Marandi now being with the BJP, the party could not win even a single of the five Lok Sabha seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes. And Hemant Soren is now out of prison.

Women voters outnumber men in 32 Assembly constituencies. Out of these 32, 26 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, which means only 2 other seats reserved for STs have more male voters. Men migrate to other cities for work, especially from the tribal and Dalit segments; hence women’s votes are important. That possibly explains why the BJP has fielded more women this time, though most of them are from political families.

The BJP has pitched the Gogo Didi Yojana to counter the JMM-led alliance government’s Maiyan Samman Yojana to attract female voters. The BJP has promised in its manifesto that it would transfer Rs 2,100 per month to the bank accounts of women, under the scheme, after forming the government.

Under the Maiyan Samman Yojana, Rs 1,000 per month is credited to the accounts of over 50 lakh women in the State. Chief minister Hemant Soren said that the amount would be increased to Rs 2,500 every month from December, if his party is voted to power again.

Polarisation and promises apart, people in the tribal state are looking for a real change in their fortune. Will the politicians live up to the expectations? 

LISTEN | Amit Baruah in conversation with Mirwaiz Umar Farooq

Mirwaiz Umar Farooq says this election was a vote against the BJP and the policies of Narendra Modi’s government. 
| Video Credit:
 Interview by Amit Baruah; Editing by Samson Ronald K.; Supervising producer: Jinoy Jose P.

Hurriyat Conference Chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, the religious head of Kashmiri Muslims, talks to Amit Baruah in this episode of the Frontline Conversations podcast at his home in Nigeen, Srinagar. After years of house arrest, he shares his views on Kashmir’s current situation and its future. The Mirwaiz discusses the recent elections in Kashmir, calling them a “consolidated ballot” against the changes made by New Delhi since 2019. He says people voted to show they reject these changes, not because they’re happy with the “Naya Kashmir” idea. He talks about how the BJP government’s actions have affected Kashmir.

The Mirwaiz believes that removing Article 370 hasn’t solved any problems. Instead, he thinks it has made the Kashmir issue more international, with China now involved because of Ladakh. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq compares the current BJP government with Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s time. He remembers Vajpayee’s efforts to solve the Kashmir issue “within the ambit of insaniyat” (humanity). The Mirwaiz sees the current government’s approach as very different, saying it wants to “finish the identity of the people of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).”

Amit Baruah is a senior journalist.

In a conversation with senior journalist Amit Baruah, Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami, a veteran CPI(M) leader and MLA from Jammu and Kashmir’s Kulgam, offers a candid and nuanced perspective on the region’s recent Assembly election—the first since the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. Speaking after securing his fifth term as an MLA, Tarigami paints a complex picture of a populace eager for democratic expression yet constrained by years of political turmoil and centralised control. He describes the elections as a watershed moment, where citizens across all demographics seized a rare opportunity to voice their concerns through the ballot, breaking a long spell of enforced silence. However, Tarigami’s optimism is tempered with caution as he outlines the challenges ahead: a polarised political landscape, diminished local autonomy, and the delicate balancing act required in dealing with the Central government.

Edited excerpts: 

Also Read | Mohamad Yousuf Tarigami, Kashmir’s Communist stalwart, faces toughest test yet

Also Read | The fundamental demand is the restoration of Statehood: Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami

Amit Baruah is a senior journalist.

On August 16, the Election Commission of India announced the Assembly election for Jammu and Kashmir, giving people a chance to elect representatives after 10 years. These elections are significant, considering Jammu and Kashmir lost Article 370, its special status and statehood, on August 5, 2019. To understand the mood on the ground, Frontlinespoke to Jammu and Kashmir CPI(M) leader and People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD) spokesperson, Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami.

A year after the abrogation of Article 370 in October 2020, several political parties formed the PAGD. Now, with the election approaching, we dot hear much about the alliance. Is it still active or has it collapsed?

We have to understand the context of the emergence of PAGD. It was not after August 5, 2019, but one day before, on August 4, that Dr. Farooq Abdullah [President of Jammu and Kashmir National Conference] convened a meeting at his residence. Most of us political leaders participated in the deliberations because there were rumours about abrogation, trifurcation, bifurcation, and so on. We agreed to issue a declaration demanding the Government of India put these rumours to rest and that no attempt should be made to reduce the historical and constitutional status of Jammu and Kashmir or turn it into Union Territories.

We also appealed to the Prime Minister that any decision regarding Jammu and Kashmir should be taken only after consulting the real stakeholders of the State itself, meaning all the political foundations of the State. After August 5, most of us were either detained in jails or placed under house arrest. Dr. Abdullah was under house arrest, I was also under detention. Almost all shades of political leaders were under detention. Then again, after a gap of time, we met at the residence of Dr. Abdullah and decided to revive the efforts we had initiated. There were many attempts by the authorities to divide us and make us dysfunctional. Nevertheless, we tried to remain together and succeeded to some extent in raising the concerns of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

WATCH | ‘Article 370 should be the concern of the republic itself’: Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami, Convenor, PAGD

In an exclusive interview with Frontline, Tarigami addresses the challenges facing the region, including the downgrading of statehood, concerns over land and job protections, and the need for unity among secular parties to counter the BJP’s influence.
| Video Credit:
Interview by Irfan Amin Malik; Production Assistants: Mridula V and Kavya Pradeep M; Editing by Samson Ronald K.; Produced By: Jinoy Jose P. 

You mean to say that the government has actually played a role in creating a division between the PAGD constituents?

It is not a question of whether they created it. But they certainly attempted to and did not succeed. PAGDwas an eyesore for the government and remained so for the administration. They have accused us, condemned us, and even declaring us as a “gang of Gupkar.” All those abuses and accusations were levelled against all the political leaders.

Also Read | Kashmir’s revolt at the ballot box

But during all these years, we saw a lot of political parties leaving the alliance for many reasons.

That is a fact. At one point, Sajjad Lone and some others such as the Congress were associated. Later on, when we visited Jammu and the question of increasing the number of voters arose, that concern pushed us together, including those sections of politicians from the Jammu region that were not part of Gupkar earlier. The necessity for the emergence of such a political forum was because of the concerns about the constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. In our view, it was a big assault on the bond of relationship itself. Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India in certain circumstances when there was a claim from across the border.

This was the only Muslim-majority area bordering the other side, and the people of Jammu and Kashmir and the then leadership took a historical stand and offered to have a relationship with the Union of India. The Constituent Assembly incorporated Article 370 in the Constitution of India. It did not come from any other area or country. It emerged out of the discussion and debate of the Constituent Assembly. It arose because of the pact between the leadership of Jammu and Kashmir and the Union of India. This is historically a bond of relationship, which has been assaulted. Article 370 is not a favour. It is not just the concern of the people of Jammu and Kashmir alone. It should be the concern of the republic itself.

At a time when two major regional parties, the National Conference and PDP, were part of PAGD, we saw recently in the Lok Sabha election that both fought elections separately.

You see, there is a misconception that PAGD is a parade for electoral purposes. It is not. It is the question of the larger concern. There could have not been any meeting ground for those sections of the population that have contrary views on many other issues. We were accused of being confined to the valley. This nomenclature emerged just because the meeting took place in Gupkar, but it was an alliance that concerned itself with issues pertaining to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It is not confined to the valley.

My point is, and if you go through the declaration which was adopted unanimously on August 4, 2019, there is no mention of elections. There was no question of elections at that time. The concern was that there should not be any assault on our Constitutional rights. And that concern remains even now. Those concerns are not just attended to, erased, or addressed.

Also Read | Abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A: Assault on the Constitution

As a PAGD spokesperson, do you not agree with those leaders who have already left? On many occasions, they told me that the PAGD is not an electoral alliance, it is an ideological alliance.

I am not talking about ideology. I am talking about the political concerns of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

A shopkeeper shows stickers of logos of different political parties ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections in Jammu. August 29, 2024.
| Photo Credit:
PTI

Why did PAGD then fight DDC (District Development Council) election?

Again, it was a compulsion. At that time, we were in Jammu holding a meeting, talking to the people there as well because we were told that we were confined to the valley. Then all of a sudden, there was an announcement of the DDC election. We hurriedly decided that we should take advantage of this situation.

So would it be right to say that PAGD could not move forward?

The essential reason, the real reason for the emergence of PAGD is the broader concern of the people of Jammu and Kashmir regarding the assault that took place on August 5, 2019, against the constitutionally guaranteed rights of the people. That is the concern. That concern remains even now. Whether political parties get engaged, some may come, some may go, or it may not remain functional, it may get dysfunctional. But nevertheless, as a citizen, I must tell you that the concerns of each one of us, the citizens of Jammu and Kashmir, remain.

It is a historical State that has been downgraded without the consent of the real stakeholders, the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Now look at Ladakh. Earlier, when this decision was taken, there was some sort of celebration in the Leh area because they wanted Union Territory status. Now what is happening? Kashmiris have yet to decide to come collectively on the streets to protest. But in Kargil, they have shouted on the streets saying that we need protection of land, we need protection of jobs, we need Statehood, we need legislature. So my point is, now go to Jammu. 

There is erosion. In the last Parliamentary election, despite tall claims by the BJP that there was no effective resistance from opposition parties, many people voiced their concerns and voted against the BJP.It is not only in the valley that business is down, the market is down. It is equally so in the Jammu region. Where are the jobs? They had claimed that earlier Kashmiris have taken the jobs, and Jammu people were waiting. The younger generation is still waiting. There are no jobs. And whatever jobs are there now, the gates are open for those who are outside the boundary of Jammu and Kashmir, which was earlier guaranteed by the Maharaja by issuing a notification in 1927 that no outsider should come to purchase land or get employment here. This demand emerged out of the concerns of the people of Jammu. The notification was issued not by a popular government but by the ruler, Maharaja Hari Singh. Now Jammu’s people are feeling the brunt of this whole process, which is highly undemocratic, highly anti-people.

Being an INDIA alliance member, why has PDP been sidelined?

I am concerned because, you see, after years together we do not have an Assembly. This is the only region in the whole country where there is no Assembly since 2018. The last Assembly election held in this region was in 2014, 10 years ago. So, the denial of democratic rights, denial of the very basic right of having our own Assembly, is a concern for the whole population here. Why has it happened now? Why was it not happening before? Because they were not sure about the support that they wanted to engineer. They went for delimitation, and added more seats to the Jammu region irrespective of the lesser population.

Then they again nominated five more members, and the nomination will be done by the Lieutenant Governor. They have made amendments. Now people are talking about restoring Statehood. The Supreme Court of India has said so. But instead of restoring Statehood, the business rules have been amended. One more amendment has been moved in the Reorganisation Act itself, downgrading the cabinet, downgrading the Assembly, and empowering the unelected Lieutenant Governor. Not only that, the budget was presented by the Union government. Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, minus the grants of police, budgetary allocations were put in the list of budget. What does it mean? Taking control of the police. Now whatever Assembly there will be tomorrow, it will be with less power.

Also Read | A.G. Noorani: Architect of the ‘Kashmir Formula’

You have been vocal regarding the restoration of Article 370, and you have been fighting for it along with other parties. But the Congress, being in the INDIA alliance, did not include Article 370 in their manifesto. Isn’t there a clash within the alliance?

I must tell you very frankly, you cannot just go with a fixed arrangement. When we talk about the Assembly election, we must understand that as of today, there is the BJP, which has denied this right for over a couple of years despite their requirements. They did it now because of Supreme Court directions, and because there was no other option left for the government. Now we are together. We have to be together. Not that everybody will agree with my proposals or my concerns. There may be disagreements.

We have diverse populations in Kashmir and Jammu, and we have to carve out certain areas of agreement where we can move together. It does not mean that I am giving up my position, and it does not equally mean that anybody else is supposed to accept my interpretation of the situation or my agenda. In the Parliamentary election, there was an alliance between Congress and the NC. We supported that as CPI(M). PDP was not part of that. Of course, we should have tried to avoid that, I agree. But the fact remains that Congress will not be the same as NC, and NC will not toe the line of Congress in everything. But we are unanimous on the restoration of democracy, making the administration accountable, putting an end to repressive measures against writers, journalists, students, youth, and so on. These are vital demands.

The fundamental demand, as of now, as the Supreme Court has mentioned in its judgment, is the restoration of Statehood. That remains a very important demand of all the people in Jammu and Kashmir. Besides, we want protection of land and jobs. These are important areas that have been identified by all concerned people. Fundamentally, in my view, the BJP has assaulted the Constitutional rights and the very basic rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, depriving the people of the rule of law. Bureaucracy is doing whatever it wants to do. There is huge suffocation that people are facing, whether in Kashmir or in Jammu, regarding livelihood, price rise, freedom of expression, and freedom of association. All these issues matter, and for that, broader agreements are there. There may be certain disagreements, but disagreements must not stop us from shaking hands wherever there is some possibility of working together.

Also Read | Fresh militant attacks cast shadow over Assembly election in Jammu and Kashmir

How powerful could the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly be as a Union Territory? How might the Lieutenant Governor’s expanded powers under recent amendments to the Transaction of Business Rules affect this?

That is what I am saying. The Government of India is not granting us power. They do not want to empower the people. We are not asking them to give us more power. We are asking them to restore whatever powers were there with this historic State. When the Prime Minister convened an all-parties meeting last time, he and the Home Minister assured us about the restoration of full Statehood. Now you see elections, but there is a huge effort by the Government of India to ensure that whatever Assembly is there, it is not empowered.

Why are we participating in such an exercise? Just because we do not have any other option. People often want that option, and whatever circumstances are there must be utilised. The debate and discussion that can be possible only in that house, I think, remains a requirement for all of us. The emergence of the alliance of secular parties is important in order to isolate BJP. Because BJP is desperate to impose itself on the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

Is it getting difficult for you to talk to people on the ground? Are your workers motivated this time to vote, considering Jammu and Kashmir is now a Union Territory?

I do not think they need to be convinced. They are learning through their own experiences. They understand that they do not have any other option to express themselves, any platform where they can express their concerns. So this is, in my view, an opportunity for the people of Jammu and Kashmir because we do not have any other option. I appeal to the people of Jammu and Kashmir particularly youth to come forward in good numbers and continue in the process of isolating those who have undermined the very democratic rights and Constitutional rights of the people.

The Assembly election announcement has set off party-switching among political leaders. Many say a fractured mandate is possible. While BJP claims Jammu as its stronghold, the situation in Kashmir is less clear, with multiple parties contesting.

The Government of India and the administration will try to divide us, to create certain elements, encourage such elements.

But if such a situation arises?

People have the capacity to understand the situation.

What if a situation arises where Jammu goes to BJP and Kashmir gets divided among regional political parties?

Now Jammu’s people have drawn lessons from their own experience. And Kashmiris have also learned that we cannot move around in isolation from each other. Our issues are common. Our concerns are common. We have to build bridges. We have to come closer and face these challenges together.

You do not think there will be a fractured mandate this time?

I am hopeful that people have enough wisdom not to fall prey to the current government. The administration is desperate to divide our ranks. I hope that people will understand and unite their ranks. All the secular parties must realise that the challenges are bigger, and those challenges can only be met together.

Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah lost their seats in the Lok Sabha election.
| Photo Credit:
NISSAR AHMAD

In the recent Lok Sabha election, prominent Kashmir leaders, including ex-Chief Ministers Mehbooba Mufti and Omar Abdullah, lost their seats. Sajjad Lone also lost in north Kashmir. Does this signal voters’ desire for change? If so, might this trend continue in the Assembly election?

The question is, why are you predicting? Whatever happens, wait for some time, at least wait for two weeks’ time.

Anybody can lose an election. It is not only here but elsewhere as well. But they are drawing lessons too. They know how to act and how not to act. They might be drawing lessons from the Parliamentary election as well. We need effective intervention from the people of Kashmir and Jammu. This is a hard time, a difficult time. We must realise that we can not afford to get divided and remain isolated from each other. Jammu and Kashmir must exercise the right to vote in an effective manner and defeat the designs of those who are helping to divide us and come to domesticate us. That is their goal.

Do you see any ray of hope that Statehood gets restored to Jammu and Kashmir soon?

I am very hopeful. The journey might not be as short as you and I may like. But certainly, I have seen ugly nights, longer nights as well. But then I have also experienced the dawn. As long as there is some light at the end of the tunnel, there is hope.

You have held Kulgam since 1996, but won narrowly last time. With J&K’s special status gone, political dynamics have shifted. How confident are you about keeping your seat?

Despite the narrow margin and the presence of bigger players, I managed to win, thanks to the wisdom of the people of Kulgam. And again, as Kulgam is as wise as the rest of our community, they will decide decisively. I hope I will not be disappointed.

Irfan Amin Malik is a journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir.