abrogation of Article 370 – TheNewsHub

This mandate is against New Delhi’s unilateral changes in Jammu and Kashmir since 2019: Mirwaiz Umar Farooq

Aseem — Thu, 17 Oct 2024 09:56:26 +0000

LISTEN | Amit Baruah in conversation with Mirwaiz Umar Farooq

Mirwaiz Umar Farooq says this election was a vote against the BJP and the policies of Narendra Modi’s government.
| Video Credit:
Interview by Amit Baruah; Editing by Samson Ronald K.; Supervising producer: Jinoy Jose P.

Hurriyat Conference Chairman Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, the religious head of Kashmiri Muslims, talks to Amit Baruah in this episode of the Frontline Conversations podcast at his home in Nigeen, Srinagar. After years of house arrest, he shares his views on Kashmir’s current situation and its future. The Mirwaiz discusses the recent elections in Kashmir, calling them a “consolidated ballot” against the changes made by New Delhi since 2019. He says people voted to show they reject these changes, not because they’re happy with the “Naya Kashmir” idea. He talks about how the BJP government’s actions have affected Kashmir.

The Mirwaiz believes that removing Article 370 hasn’t solved any problems. Instead, he thinks it has made the Kashmir issue more international, with China now involved because of Ladakh. Mirwaiz Umar Farooq compares the current BJP government with Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s time. He remembers Vajpayee’s efforts to solve the Kashmir issue “within the ambit of insaniyat” (humanity). The Mirwaiz sees the current government’s approach as very different, saying it wants to “finish the identity of the people of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).”

Amit Baruah is a senior journalist.

Mohamad Yousuf Tarigami, Kashmir’s Communist stalwart, faces toughest test yet

Aseem — Wed, 02 Oct 2024 09:18:43 +0000

Early one morning, a group of workers in Mirhama village of South Kashmir’s Kulgam district, wearing white skullcaps gathered outside the polling station to monitor the election process. The workers belonged to the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI), a socio-religious organisation, and had arrived to ensure that the voter base of Jamaat-backed candidate remained intact.

Just a few steps away were the party workers of Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) leader Mohamad Yousuf Tarigami, who seems to be little unnerved with the presence of Jamaat workers, his old rivals. “These weren’t the scenes in past elections,” said a CPI (M) worker.

Since 1996, the Kulgam district has become the Left’s only political bastion in Jammu and Kashmir; the CPI (M) leader was sent to the erstwhile State’s Legislative Assembly for four consecutive terms: in 1996, 2002, 2008, and 2014. However, with the resurgence of the outlawed outfit, the leftist leader is facing a significant challenge. Like other districts, Kulgam has become one of Kashmir’s most contested place in the election.

Also Read | Jammu and Kashmir: The battle that lies beyond elections

On September 18, Kashmir voted in the first phase. The voters said it had been an easy win for Tarigami until Jamaat-backed independent candidate Sayyar Ahmad Reshi entered the contest.

Holding The Fort

Born in Tarigami village of Kulgam district in 1949, the communist leader comes from a humble background. His father was a farmer. He started his political career in 1967, when he was still in college, by advocating for farmers’ rights. He and his friends stood up to the forcible procurement of rice in the region.

Tarigami was a wannabe Marxist in Kashmir’s urban circles in the 70s. During that Soviet era, he supposedly rubbed shoulders with leftists of Srinagar and got some prominence. But when a blast rattled the Marxist circle in India Coffee House in the late 80s, Tarigami and his comrades faced the heat of the gun. He lost some of his compatriots and went into political hibernation. By 1996, Tarigami, much like the “independents” of contemporary Kashmir, decided to end the political void created by insurgency.

His Marxist background and patronage from Delhi—which then had a substantial Left presence—worked in his favour. JeI’s fatwa—declaring elections under India rule haram—favoured the comrade’s chances. In the subsequent elections in 2002, 2008, 2014‚ in the supposed JeI citadel, Tarigami thrived on boycott and least resistance from his political opponents.

What also worked in his favour was the fact that Kashmir’s grand old party—National Conference—hardly fielded any mass leader against him. Even in this election, they dropped their candidate Imran Nabi Dar, providing space to Tarigami once again.

In his home town, he was very vocal about the issues students faced during the time and eventually raised his voice against the State and its policies. He was detained several times by the State and was booked under detention laws. At the same time, he survived deadly attacks from militant groups a couple of times. In 2009, he survived a suicide attack in in Tulsibagh in Srinagar.

Independent candidate from Kulgam constituency Sayyar Ahmad Reshi speaks with the media after casting his vote during the first phase of Jammu and Kashmir Assembly election. Kulgam, September 18, 2024.
| Photo Credit:
PTI

Jamaat’s oldest turf was Kulgam district until it decided not to contest elections after 1987, giving a safe passage for other parties. In 1987, Jamaat was part of the Muslim United Front (MUF)— a conglomerate of several parties, who were apparently winning. However, the election results were widely believed to have been rigged, allowing the National Conference, led by Farooq Abdullah, to form the government despite allegations that the MUF had garnered substantial public support. This rigging is often cited as a key turning point in Kashmir’s political history, contributing to widespread disenchantment and the subsequent rise of militancy.

Many MUF candidates crossed the Line of Control (LoC) to Pakistan and received armed training, thus starting the deadly insurgency that claimed thousands of lives. Since the 90’s, hundreds of political workers have been killed and kidnapped by militants. Interestingly, the Jamaat-backed candidate Abdul Razak Mir (Bachru) was one among the four successful MUF candidates. He fought from the Kulgam seat. “So, you can understand that despite the rigging, Mir won, because Jamaat had a strong base in Kulgam,” said a political analyst from South Kashmir, wishing not to be named.

Kashmir was engulfed in turmoil, with militancy at its peak, making political activities anything but easy. At the same time, Jamaat also had to face the wrath from the State—thus their presence was diminished.

Taking advantage of the situation, Tarigami decided to contest the first Assembly election from the Jamaat bastion, and he won. Without propagating Leftist ideology, Tarigami spoke about the issues that resonated with the public. “That is what made him popular. He spoke about local issues and worked for infrastructure development of his area,” said the political analyst.

Despite threats and challenges, Tarigami kept the CPI(M) flag alive in the Muslim-majority region, becoming an increasingly prominent figure in electoral politics. His “people-friendly politics” and commitment to his constituents allowed him to maintain a foothold in an area dominated by religious and political rivals, solidifying his reputation as a resilient leader despite the volatile political landscape in Kashmir. In 2020, CPI (M) won five of the six seats in the District Development Council election in Kashmir.

Resurgence of old rivals

However, with the abrogation of Article 370, the entire political scenario got changed. New Delhi launched a massive crackdown on political leaders, who were detained under preventive laws for months in Srinagar. Tarigami, became a prominent figure in the People’s Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD). PAGD, now defunct, was an electoral alliance between the several regional political parties in Jammu and Kashmir. The alliance sought the restoration of Article 370.

Tarigami held the position of spokesperson for the alliance. However, he along with dozens of pro-Indian political leaders were detained. Shortly before that, the Ministry of Home Affairs banned JeI under the provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) shortly after the Pulwama terror attack. A number of its leaders and workers were arrested and lodged in different jails across the country and in Jammu and Kashmir.

However, in May this year, the outfit decided to participate in the Lok Sabha election and many of its top leaders were seen waiting in queue outside polling stations to cast their votes. The decision to participate in the electoral process, after three decades, was taken by a five-member panel formed by the top Jamaat leaders. “The changing political scenario, post revocation of the special status made us believe we needed to participate and in fact contest elections,” Ghulam Qadir Wani, a member of the panel, told Frontline earlier.

Also Read | Kashmir’s Public Safety Act: Former defenders National Conference and PDP now seek its repeal

According to JeI sources, they had several rounds of talks with New Delhi and expected the ban will be revoked ahead of the election. However, on 25 August, a tribunal court in New Delhi extended the ban for five more years, prompting JeI to contest the election independently. Jamaat held its first major rally in Kulgam district in which top Jamaat leaders participated. “There was a massive response to the rally,” said Sayar Ahmad Reshi, a JeI backed candidate. The return of Jamaat in the district posed a stiff challenge to the leftist leader. And the anti-incumbency sentiment loomed large in the area. “Tarigami has been representing the constituency for the last 24 years. It is time for a change. People want a new face now,” said Saqib Padder, a youth from Kulgam.

Another factor that caused significant concern for Tarigami was the 2022 delimitation process, which redrew the boundaries of many CPI(M) stronghold villages in the Kulgam constituency, merging them with neighbouring constituencies. Also, his two confidantes, Engineer Mohammad Aqib and Muhammad Amin Dar, parted ways from him. While Aqib contested on the Jammu and Kashmir Apni Party’s ticket, Dar contested on the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket. Tarigami, however, asserts that the only challenge for him is the “patronage” JeI enjoys from the “BJP government”.

Amidst the ongoing allegations and counter-allegations, all eyes are on October 8, when the election results will be announced. It remains to be seen whether the veteran comrade will hold onto his stronghold or if Kulgam will witness the emergence of a new face.

Auqib Javeed is an independent journalist based in Jammu and Kashmir. He reports on human rights, politics, and the environment.

There is a significant democratic deficit in Ladakh: Sonam Wangchuk

Aseem — Mon, 26 Aug 2024 13:18:27 +0000

In March, Wangchuk observed a 21-day-long hunger strike, that he called a “climate fast”, in support of Ladakh residents who have been demanding safeguards under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
| Photo Credit: THE HINDU ARCHIVES

In anticipation of the upcoming Assembly election in Jammu and Kashmir, Sonam Wangchuk—educator, innovator, and climate activist—along with over 100 civil society members from the Union Territory of Ladakh, plans to undertake a foot march from Leh to Delhi. This peaceful protest will begin on September 1 and conclude on October 2, coinciding with Gandhi Jayanti. The Leh Apex Body and Kargil Democratic Alliance, two representative organizations from Ladakh, announced this decision at a press conference in Leh on August 24.

Over the past four years, these organisations have held numerous demonstrations demanding statehood with a legislature for Ladakh, separate Lok Sabha seats for Leh and Kargil regions, and the extension of the Constitution’s Sixth Schedule to Ladakh—a region carved out of the former State of Jammu and Kashmir on August 5, 2019. Despite Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s engagement with Ladakh’s civil society representatives in New Delhi and promises to address concerns related to climate, culture, land, and employment, concrete government action remains pending. On August 26, Shah announced the creation of five new districts: Zanskar, Drass, Sham, Nubra, and Changthang. In an interview with Frontline, Wangchuk, who conducted a 21-day hunger strike in March this year, expressed concerns about the ecologically sensitive region bordering the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. He stated that he would resume his hunger strike if the Centre failed to engage Ladakhi leaders in productive dialogue. Edited excerpts:

What led you to consider resuming your Satyagraha against the central government?

I want to clarify that this is not a definitive decision. Rather, it is a conditional step. I sincerely hope we will not have to resort to such measures. It is not an ideal way for a country to be governed where you have to hold protests and fast. Still, I’m hopeful that the new government, which has completed two months in office now, will respond to our memorandum. So far, the new government has not shown any willingness to re-engage in discussions. Should there be no offer for dialogue, we will have no choice but to resume the fast. This is not an act of defiance against the government but a call for it to honour its commitments. Simultaneously, it is intended to serve as a reminder to citizens to reflect on their own lifestyle changes, particularly in light of the escalating climate crises affecting regions like the Himalayas and Wayanad in Kerala.

What was the most significant outcome of your 21-day hunger strike earlier this year, and what are your plans for advancing your movement?

The impact of our hunger strike may not be immediately visible. As the saying goes, “A stone breaks at the hundredth hit, though the previous ninety-nine may seem ineffective.” We have yet to see concrete actions from the government in response to its promises. However, our protest has successfully mobilised public awareness and solidarity across the nation. This impacted the kingmakers—who were citizens of the country. Ladakh’s plight is now widely recognised as a just cause, and this heightened awareness is likely to influence the king as well.

Also Read | Why the lotus wilted in Ladakh

A delegation from the Apex Body, Leh (ABL) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) met with Union Home Minister Amit Shah in New Delhi on March 4. What was the outcome of this meeting?

There was a vague assurance that the discussion would continue without disclosing the constitutional provisions under which our demands would be redressed. In the meeting, the delegation was clearly told, “We will neither give you Statehood nor Schedule VI safeguards.” They have denied both. Earlier, the government had promised us Article 371. But it means nothing without a Legislature. For want of a Legislative Assembly, who will make the decisions? Obviously, the Lieutenant Governor.

Five years after Ladakh became a Union Territory without a legislature, how has the region’s democratic landscape changed, despite the presence of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council?

There is a significant democratic deficit in the region. Hill councils are excluded from major decision-making processes and primarily handle local civic issues. These councils manage less than 10 per cent of Ladakh’s total budget, with over 90 per cent controlled by the Lieutenant Governor alone. As a result, democratic representation is severely lacking. This situation resembles a colonial system, where a Governor acts as an envoy or executor. There is no justification for keeping such a friendly, supportive, and positive population in a border region deprived of democratic governance. India must showcase its commitment to democracy. Instead, we are inadvertently projecting the opposite to the world.

“Over the past five years, Ladakh has seen minimal progress in employment opportunities. While the government has not advertised even a single gazetted job posting, only a few non-gazetted positions have been filled in the last year or two.”

What are the key concerns that drive the push for Sixth Schedule constitutional safeguards?

Ladakh runs the risk of over-development. Had the past five years been normal, the region might have been opened up to Indian corporates and international tourism chains. Such development could lead to serious environmental issues such as water scarcity, solid waste management problems, and pollution. My motivation for joining the movement is rooted in environmental concerns. The fragile hills and mountains of Ladakh could be exposed to unchecked industrial and mining interests. While there are fears about demographic shifts due to the influx of large businesses and industries in a region, which otherwise has a very low population density.

Despite its vast size, Ladakh’s environment can only sustain around existing 3,00,000 people. A sudden increase to 3 million due to unchecked economic activities would result in ecological disaster and potentially marginalise the local population, reducing them to an insignificant minority with diminished electoral power. In the remote areas of Ladakh, the government has begun allocating large tracts of land to corporations without the approval of Hill Councils. Despite claims that Hill Councils are responsible for land decisions, significant areas are being given to major power corporations for solar projects without local consent.

For instance, the government’s 13-gigawatt renewable energy project in Ladakh involves allocating 20-30 acres of land—equivalent to a city like Delhi or larger—to the Solar Energy Corporation of India [SECI] in Leh district’s Pang area near the Himachal Pradesh border. The Hill Council has stated that it did not approve this land deal, raising questions about who authorised it. Work on the project has already commenced. We support solar power and would be pleased to see Ladakh contribute to the country’s energy needs. However, the land must remain accessible to local pastoral communities. Fencing off these areas could negativelyimpact local shepherds.

How has Ladakh’s job market and economy fared since 2019?

Over the past five years, Ladakh has seen minimal progress in employment opportunities. While the government has not advertised even a single gazetted job posting, only a few non-gazetted positions have been filled in the last year or two. In terms of economic development, there have been remarkable advancements so far as road infrastructure is concerned. The budget for Ladakh jumped from Rs.300-500 crore to Rs.6,000 crore after it became a UT.

But on the ground, it is not showing up the intended results on that scale. Every year, more than 50 per cent of the budget remains unspent. The government has set up an engineering college and a Central university, even though a university was already established in Ladakh five years ago.

While this demonstrates some government generosity, it also means that these institutions may struggle to attract students from the local population. For instance, the new engineering college is expected to admit 400 students annually, yet the region typically produces only 10 to 20 candidates suitable for such a programme. A more effective approach would be to reserve seats for Ladakhi students in existing, reputed educational institutions elsewhere. Furthermore, the harsh winter climate may deter non-local students in Ladakh, making the situation even more challenging.

What kind of economic model would you recommend for economic development of Ladakh?

I would endorse Gandhiji’s idea of gram swaraj. Ladakh’s problems are not such that simply throwing money at them will solve them. A massive tourism infrastructure like big hotels and so on will have a counter-intuitive impact. The tourism in the region remains organic so far. It is quite homely with a humane face. A homestay model of tourism should be promoted in the interiors of Ladakh so that the impact of tourism is not concentrated in two or three places. We support responsible tourism.

Also Read | Civil society groups rally behind Ladakh’s demand for constitutional autonomy

Independent candidate Mohmad Haneefa won Ladakh’s Lok Sabha seat, unseating the BJP after two consecutive terms. What message does this send?

Most people in Ladakh were immensely grateful when they received Union Territory status in 2019. Many mainstream political parties in the region had publicly declared that if the ruling BJP fulfilled its promises to provide safeguards under the Sixth Schedule and establish a legislature, they would support the BJP wholeheartedly. They would have given the Lok Sabha seat to the BJP on a platter. However, despite widespread public demonstrations and protests, these promises were not kept. This failure has deeply hurt and humiliated the people of Ladakh.

You’ve voiced concerns about pastoral tribes losing access to grazing lands along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). How has this situation evolved?

This issue has persisted for decades, and no government or party can be solely blamed. During the Congress’ tenure, we faced losses, and the same occurred under the BJP. The current government may argue otherwise, but it is evident that large tracts of land, once used by our shepherds for grazing livestock during the summer, have now become extended buffer zones throughout eastern Ladakh in recent years.

It is not as if Chinese soldiers are stopping our shepherds from accessing the frontline pastures; rather, it is now Indian troops who are preventing them from doing so. These extended buffer zones have been established on Indian soil. The “no man’s land” that used to be 20 km away now exists next to our populated villages. Just as glass breaks regardless of whether it falls on the stone or the stone falls on it, herders have lost their pastures regardless of Chinese occupation or the establishment of buffer zones.