Akal Takht has reclaimed authority over Shiromani Akali Dal. What does it mean for Punjab’s politics?

The Akal Takht, the highest religious authority in Sikhism based at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, recently made a dramatic foray into the political sphere as it imposed religious and political punishments on Sukhbir Singh Badal, former Deputy Chief Minister of Punjab and leader of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), along with several senior party leaders. It also revoked the prestigious “Fakhr-e-Quam” (pride of the community) title previously awarded to Sukhbir’s father, Parkash Singh Badal, a five-time Chief Minister of Punjab.

Sukhbir Singh Badal resigned as SAD president on November 16 after he approached the Akal Takht and requested a meeting of the Sikh clergy to pronounce his tankhah (religious punishment) for the party’s “misconduct” when in power. While the Akal Takht had directed the SAD to accept Badal’s resignation, it set up a committee to revamp the party.

Before pronouncing the punishment from the ramparts of the Akal Takht Sahib, the Akal Takht Jathedar Giani Raghbir Singh, charged Sukhbir Badal with five offences under the Sikh code: undermining the Sikh faith, promoting officers linked to the Sikh massacres of the 1980s, facilitating the pardon to the Dera Sacha Sauda head Gurmeet Ram Rahim in a 2015 sacrilege case, failing to apprehend and punish sacrilege culprits, and misusing the Golden Temple donations for party propaganda.

These moves come at a time when the SAD—India’s second-oldest political party, founded in 1920—is witnessing one of the most turbulent phases in its history. The party’s recent decision to stay out of the November 13 byelection for four Assembly seats has only indicated the deepening crisis in the party and questions about its future.

The Akal Takht’s recent “punishment” to Sukhbir Badal and other Akali leaders signifies that the religious arm of the panth (Akal Takht) has re-established its authority over the political wing, SAD, after a long time, according to Harjeshwar Pal Singh, a political commentator who teaches history at the Sri Guru Gobind Singh College, Chandigarh.

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“Having fully submitted to the Akal Takht, it remains to be seen whether SAD will shed its ‘Punjabi’ identity and revert to its religious or Panthic roots,” said Singh. He added that the punishment would likely help assuage the “collective conscience” of the Sikh community and eliminate the “raison d’être” for many Akali dissidents, who had been using the Ram Rahim episode and incidents of beadbi (or sacrilege) as a means to criticise him.

However, Singh expressed scepticism about whether Akal Takht’s reassertion of supremacy, Sukhbir Badal’s resignation, and its ensuring a democratic election for the party’s leadership, would lead to a true revival of SAD. “The party’s future remains uncertain,” he said, adding that both pro-Sukhbir and anti-Sukhbir factions—including dissidents such as Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa, Prem Singh Chandumajra, and Jagir Kaur—have submitted to the authority of the Akal Takht.

The power struggle between the Akal Takht and SAD is not new. Historically, the Akal Takht has asserted its authority during periods of internal strife within the party. In 1980s, powerful Jathedars called the shots, most notably imposing tankhah on former Chief Minister Surjit Singh Barnala. But when SAD has been in a position of strength, it has shown little deference to Jathedars, sidelining Manjit Singh in 1995, replacing Bhai Ranjit Singh in 1999, and pressuring Giani Gurbachan Singh into making controversial decisions in 2015.

In the early 1800s, the Akal Takht sentenced Maharaja Ranjit Singh (“The Lion of Punjab”) to 100 lashes for marrying Moran Sarkar, a Muslim courtesan from Lahore’s Hira Mandi district. According to Hari Ram Gupta’s A History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, Ranjit Singh humbly accepted the religious decree (hukumnama), but the congregation intervened after one lash and sought his pardon, which was granted.

Party’s downfall

The churning within SAD coincides with its significant decline in electoral politics and the rise of new players in radical panthic politics besides the emergence of AAP as an alternative to traditional mainstream parties. In recent years, Punjab has also witnessed a series of farmers’ protests driven by deepening economic distress.

Kanwar Sandhu, a former editor and political commentator, observed that SAD has long been grappling with ideological issues and remains in a state of flux. “The party is fractured, and the recent punishment of Sukhbir Badal also comes at a time when the Sikh diaspora—some of whom support radical elements—has become increasingly critical of him,” he said. Sandhu added that efforts to revive SAD face tough competition, as several neo-panthic hardliners outside the party have gained considerable influence. “The key question is whether SAD can bring them into the party fold,” he said.

Poor performance in the general election

In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, SAD secured just one of Punjab’s 13 seats, while two independents who bagged surprise victories, included Amritpal Singh, a pro-Khalistan figure of “Waris Punjab De” (currently jailed under the National Security Act), and Sarabjeet Singh, the son of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s assassin. In 2022, another hardline leader, Simranjit Singh Mann, head of SAD in Amritsar, had won the Sangrur Lok Sabha seat.

In fact, radical outfits such as Dal Khalsa have sharply reacted to the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) executive committee’s decision to excommunicate Narain Singh Chaura from the community. A former militant, Chaura made an assassination attempt on Sukhbir Singh Badal outside the Golden Temple on December 4 when he was undergoing tankhah (punishment for religious misconduct).

A founding member of the now inactive Khalistan Liberation Army, Chaura is also head of the Akal Federation, a group of hardliners, who were active during the insurgency. On December 5, the Dal Khalsa held a convention in Moga, where Chaura was hailed a true Punjabi panthic. The group emphasised its strong support for the Khalistan movement, criticising the decision to excommunicate him from the community. On the occasion, former Member of Parliament (MP) Simranjit Singh Mann, while accusing the Centre of plotting the killings of Khalistani separatists—including Hardeep Singh Nijjar, Ripudaman Singh Malik, and Sukhdool Singh in Canada, Avtar Singh Khanda in the UK, Parmjit Singh Panjwar and Lakhbir Singh Rode in Pakistan—alleged that the Narendra Modi government was targeting Sikhs in the country and abroad.

Referencing to rise of Hindutva majoritarian politics and the rights of minority communities, he said that Chaura’s action at the Golden Temple indicated growing angst within the community. “The voice of Sikhs is not being heeded today,” he said. Incidentally, several Sikh organisations, including the SGPC and the SAD, have been vociferous in their demand for the release of Khalistani terrorists sentenced for heinous crimes.

SAD has been a central force in Punjab’s political landscape since its very inception. Its significance was cemented in 1922, when British authorities handed over the keys of the Golden Temple’s treasury to the SGPC after a two-month peaceful morcha led by the Akalis. Gandhi hailed it as a decisive victory in India’s struggle for independence. Over the decades, the SAD has steered the Sikh community through pivotal events, including the Partition, the demand for Punjabi suba or Punjabi-speaking State, and the turmoil of the 1980s and early 1990s.

Alliance with BJP

During the 1975 Emergency, the party led “Save Democracy Morchas” from the Akal Takht in Amritsar, resulting in the arrest of 40,000 Akali workers. A turning point came in 1996 when SAD redefined itself as a party for all Punjabis at a key conference in Moga. It expanded its membership to include non-Sikhs and forged an alliance with the BJP. Together, they governed Punjab for a full term, starting 1997.

However, in 2002, they were ousted by a Congress-led government under Captain Amarinder Singh, amid allegations of corruption. SAD, once again in alliance with the BJP, returned to power, securing two consecutive terms before losing in 2017.

After more than 700 farmers lost their lives during the year-long protest against three controversial farm laws introduced by the Central government, SAD decided to leave the NDA. Observers suggest that SAD’s decision was driven more by electoral politics than by the BJP’s “insensitivity” to issues related to Punjab or Sikhs. But a delayed decision only further alienated a significant portion of its traditional voter base, particularly among farmers and rural communities, who felt betrayed by the party’s alignment with the BJP.

Recently, Punjab BJP president Sunil Jakhar appealed to the Akal Takht to safeguard SAD. “As a Punjabi, I believe the Akali Dal is as important to Punjab today as it was in 1920. Therefore, I respectfully appeal to our highest religious authority, Sri Akal Takht Sahib, to ensure that the guilty individuals acknowledge their mistakes and face appropriate reprimands. However, while implementing punishment, it is essential to protect the panthic party. We must treat the illness without losing the patient,” Jakhar posted on X.

He went on to add: “If our respected Jathedars of the five Takhts provide guidance during these challenging times and use their authority to bring together those who need improvement with those who desire it, it would benefit both the Panth and Punjab.” He hinted at a rapprochement between SAD and its offshoot, Akali Dal Sudhar Lehar, a faction born in July after a string of senior Akali leaders parted ways with the parent party.

SAD’s leadership has remained with the Badal family since the 90s. The party, under family control, has faced allegations of corruption and misgovernance during its time in power. Now, as SAD tries to resurrect itself, the biggest challenge for the party would be to free itself from the control of Sukhbir Badal.

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Ashutosh Kumar, head of the political science department at Panjab University, said: “The SAD in the past has always co-opted the radical elements among Sikhs. It has never supported the idea of Khalistan. Though Prakash Singh Badal, the former Chief Minister, was a Sikh leader, he was always seen as a secular leader. But under his leadership, the Akali Dal eventually started to become a family-driven party, mostly supported by Jat Sikhs with key leaders from the Malwa region.”

And under Sukhbir Singh Badal, the party lost its credibility, said Kumar. “The other two pillars of Sikh politics, the Akal Takht and the SGPC, have been emboldened due to the party’s poor electoral run since 2017.”

On the return of the party to the heart of panthic politics and its implications for broader State politics, Kumar said, “The party’s politics will obviously shift towards ethnic stridency. SAD will be under the control of hardliners who will strive to establish it as a Sikh party loyal to the panthic code of conduct. To regain its political relevance, the party is likely to make a strategic return to its roots to reestablish itself as the sole custodian of Sikhs’ political and cultural rights.”

In this context, he added, the party is expected to revive and champion the key demands outlined in the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. Adopted in 1973, the resolution called for greater federal autonomy, the preservation of Punjab’s distinct cultural, religious, and linguistic identity, and the transfer of control over economic and natural resources, such as river water, to the State government.