Can you have peace minus the people?: Mohammed Yousuf Tarigami

What is this vote in Kashmir all about?

This election for the Assembly was held after a long interval, with the previous one in 2014. The Supreme Court’s intervention and voices raised in Parliament and outside persuaded the government to initiate this process. The mandate is quite wonderful, with people coming out in good numbers, even in urban areas.

Did you expect it?

I did, based on my experience. J&K [Jammu and Kashmir] was deprived of many constitutional rights, and there were many pending day-to-day issues. Despite authorities in Delhi and Srinagar claiming normalcy and peace, we weren’t allowed to speak out. Journalists couldn’t express themselves, and even employees were treated as second-grade citizens, denied trade union rights. There was a lull in Kashmir, which was misinterpreted as acceptance of the government’s actions.

Is this the first time that people of J&K have had the right to express themselves after 2019 and the abrogation of Article 370?

Yes. This was the only option left for people to express themselves. It’s not about peace or no peace, but the willingness of common people to join the electoral process. They came out in large numbers because there was no other choice to express themselves.

I came across people voting for the first time in their lives, some in their fifties and sixties. What would you say about that?

The younger generation’s voices have been choked. They want a good life, jobs, better education, and fair treatment from the administration. Since 2018, we’ve had an administration that wasn’t open to common people. This election, initiated after Supreme Court intervention, was seen as the only option left for all sections of society—traders, unemployed youth, students—who had been living under an atmosphere of forced silence.

Would you say this is a vote against the BJP in the Kashmir valley?

It’s certainly against the policies pursued by the BJP government towards Jammu and Kashmir. The Prime Minister talked about “Unka pul hallelujah,” but that wasn’t seen anywhere.

The National Conference’s performance can be described as fantastic, but the PDP [Peoples Democratic Party] and Congress have been decimated. What does this mean for Kashmir?

Unfortunately, our state was earlier composed of three regions: Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. Now Ladakh is a separate Union Territory. The BJP government has worked to divide us further between Jammu and Kashmir, building walls of suspicion. They floated certain proxies here, especially after the 2019 assault on Article 370 and 35A. They tried to reorganise political structures, creating platforms that would agree with whatever the government did.

During this election, more proxies were created. Jamaat-e-Islami, for instance, contested against me in Kulgam. They were facilitated by the BJP government and administration, and allowed to function despite being a banned organisation. They got some share in Kulgam because they focused there, likely at the behest of those in authority.

This government has done everything possible to vitiate the atmosphere and devalue the democratic process. We’ve always maintained that the people of Kashmir, Jammu, and Ladakh want to be part of Indian democracy. The question isn’t about territorial integration, which is unquestionable. It’s about integrating the minds of people with the rest of the country. That comes through protecting people’s rights, not through force. You have to win over the minds of the people.

There’s a huge mandate for the National Conference, and interestingly, Congress seems to have won seats in the valley but not in the Jammu region. How will this new government face the challenges, given the high expectations?

Expectations are indeed very high, but there are limitations. The Reorganisation Act and the delimitation process ignored the 2011 census, which showed Kashmir Valley as more populated than Jammu. Yet, they increased six seats for Jammu and only one for Kashmir.

Moreover, while the Prime Minister and Home Minister repeatedly claim commitment to restoring statehood, they’ve further amended the Reorganisation Act. Public order and the posting and transfer of senior IPS officers have been given to the Lieutenant Governor.

And appointment of law officers?

Law officers, anti-corruption bureau, and all such institutions have been handed over to the Lieutenant Governor (LG).

So this is like the Delhi situation?

It’s more than that. Recently, the J&K budget was presented and approved by the Parliament in the absence of the Assembly here. The police budget for J&K has been listed in the Union budget, which is unprecedented. This means putting the police under direct control of Delhi.

So if Omar Abdullah becomes Chief Minister, the responsibility for law and order would rest with Delhi, not the Chief Minister?

Yes, absolutely. Even an SHO (Station House Officer), SP (Superintendent of Police), everything remains within Delhi’s control.

So if there are any terrorist incidents, that responsibility lies with the Centre?

Yes. Even processions, demonstrations, and whatever falls under law and order. The whole security scenario will be dealt with directly by the government of India, not trusting the representatives of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

You mentioned earlier that the Supreme Court gave a date for election. What about statehood?

They mention the Supreme Court’s direction to hold elections, but there’s also mention of statehood. The Solicitor General assured the court about the restoration of statehood, but the government isn’t implementing that. Instead, they’re further amending the Reorganisation Act, reducing whatever little power the Assembly or Cabinet had.

So statehood is a distant prospect?

I don’t know, but it certainly needs big support from the rest of the country. They talk about peace and normalcy, but can you have peace without the people? The people are the real stakeholders. The current peace is due to huge security structures in the Kashmir Valley. We appeal to the people in the rest of the country and the Parliament to understand what’s happening in Jammu and Kashmir. At least now we’ll have a legitimate platform in the legislature to voice our concerns and protect the rights of the people.

As the spokesperson of the Gupkar alliance, what’s your view on the lack of representation from J&K in the Council of Ministers? Only two Hindus have been elected on the National Conference ticket. How can the new Chief Minister expand representation?

It’s a worrying factor and unfortunate. The polarisation promoted by those in power is dangerous, especially in this sensitive border state. It’s a difficult task, but we believe Kashmir and Jammu must work together, regardless of community representation.

There are some independent Hindu candidates.

We will try to work with them. We don’t know about their willingness to cooperate yet, but those doors should be opened.

Unfortunately, there’s no legislative council either.

Yes, the council where we could have addressed certain areas has been abolished.

So polarisation is a policy of the Central government?

Yes, that’s how it appears. It’s not just us talking about it; it’s what they’re doing. The intent seems to be to polarise the situation further, as they’ve been doing in many areas of the country, and now here in Jammu and Kashmir as well.

What kind of relationship do you think the government here can have with the Central government?

We don’t have any choice except to work together with the government of India. It’s not in the interest of Jammu and Kashmir to confront them. Our size is too small. We’re dependent on the Central government for the restoration of statehood, other rights, and livelihood issues. We’ll seek solutions in consultation with those in authority.

What’s your sense about the release of Engineer Rashid and allowing Jamaat-e-Islami to contest elections while it remains a banned organisation? Was it to split the votes of mainline parties?

That seems to be the case. As a student of politics, I don’t object to anyone contesting elections. The question is legitimacy. Jamaat-e-Islami remains banned, yet they’re facilitated to campaign as independents, openly declaring their affiliation. Earlier, they opposed mainstream parties. Now, there’s a U-turn. Neither they nor the government explain this change to the people. Jamaat-e-Islami has argued for secession in the recent past.

You’re going to be a fifth-term MLA. People in Srinagar seem generally happy with the mandate. After a long time, there’s a feeling that people are satisfied with their vote and its result. What are your thoughts?

There was a time of boycotts and fear. Now, there’s hope for some relief because other avenues have been choked. People can’t even protest peacefully anymore. They were handed over to unknown bureaucrats for a long period. That’s why people are opting for this route to get some relief, even if it’s little. They will rejoice and celebrate, in my opinion. But it’s a greater responsibility for those elected to deliver and for the national government too. Don’t miss this opportunity. People are showing confidence in the democratic process. Respect that and do whatever is required to strengthen this process, not dilute it.